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Angela Merkel, “We must be more European.”
26 Jan 2012 “In her keynote address, opening the World Economic Forum in Davos, Chancellor Angela Merkel urged Europe to become “more European” and work together to resolve its festering problems. 
Merkel said Europe lacked the political structures to make the common currency, the euro, work properly. Despite recent biting criticism that Germany should shoulder more responsibility in the current debt crisis, Merkel stressed that Berlin was resolved to do what was necessary to save European unity.
Merkel said that the world had not learned from the 2008 financial crisis. Reforms of financial markets have not gone far enough, she said.
The Chancellor said Berlin was ready to play its full part in combating the eurozone crisis, but could not promise things it cannot deliver.
In an interview Merkel insisted that nations at the center of the eurozone debt crisis needed to press ahead with economic reform measures. “It does not make sense to promise more money, but not tackle the causes of the problem,” the Chancellor said.
At the same time, she again called on other European leaders to agree on a tough set of parameters to form the basis of the planned fiscal pact on budget discipline.
“If you have promised debt reduction and solid public finances a hundred times, then it must also be enforced in the future,” Merkel said.
The Chancellor’s remarks followed calls by Italy and the International Monetary Fund for Germany to offer more funds to boost the so-called European Stability Mechanism (ESM). Merkel has ruled out bolstering the permanent euro rescue fund… ”
Full Article - Nancy Isenson Deutsche Welle
Former German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher has paid tribute to the late Czech president and anti-communist hero Vaclav Havel. Europe has lost a “great European,” Genscher says. When did you last speak to Vaclav Havel? 
Hans-Dietrich Genscher: It was either this year or last year. We saw quite a lot of each other – even before the revolution in 1989 – but of course much more during his time in office. But we also still kept in touch after we both had left office. I had direct a contact with him for many years through two of his colleagues who worked on “Charter 77″ with him.
When you first met Havel, he had already been a writer for many years. In that sense he was not a professional politician, but an artist. What role did that play in his commitment to politics?
Commitment to freedom was a way of life for him. But as a poet he was able to convey his beliefs through the power of words. And it was with the power of words that he challenged the communist regime in former Czechoslovakia and ultimately brought it to an end. He was a source of encouragement to the people of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in their fight for freedom and democracy.
Thinking back to the revolution in 1989, the image that comes to mind for many people is of Havel on the balcony of the embassy in Prague. Which image of Vaclav Havel has particularly stuck in your memory?
A whole series of images come to mind, even those taken when you could see how distressed and restricted he was by his terrible disease. And yet you could still see his fighting spirit and the courage he had shown during times of persecution. The former federal German President Richard von Weizsäcker’s first visit to the official residence of the Czech president in Prague was also particularly special because the man who was formerly persecuted could receive guests from Germany as the president of Czechoslovakia.
People often refer to a “political friendship” when the talk about the relationship the two of you shared. You have said yourself that you continued to see Havel even after your political career had ended. Was it a political friendship or was it more than that?
We were certainly in tune with one another on many basic issues, but there was also a very human affection, which probably should always be the case. It was the case here. Perhaps the fact that we had both experienced life under communist regimes played a part. He experienced it in Prague and I had experienced communism while living in the Soviet occupation zone and then the German Democratic Republic between 1945 and 1952, before I left for West Germany.
What will you miss most about Vaclav Havel?
The death of Vaclav Havel has made Europe a lot poorer. We have lost a great European and I think that many Europeans will be united in mourning today, at any rate, the Germans and the Czechs.
FULL Interview – Michael Borgers – Deutsche Welle
VIDEO – Mourning
BIOGRAPHY – France24 – VIDEO
Mr President, thank you for an excellent organization of today’s summit.
The summit allowed us to take stock of the bilateral relations and agree on priorities for the future. It was also an opportunity to assess in more general terms the implementation of commitments and respect to declared values. 
Let me start my reiterating that Ukraine is a partner of strategic importance for the EU. Our commitment to developing the relationship between the EU and Ukraine is firm. Since the last summit there has been developments in the EU-Ukraine relations – both positive and some that have given us reason for strong concern.
Today, we can publically announce that negotiations on the Association Agreement have been finalised. It was difficult work, but your government’s declared European choice and dedication has made it possible to conclude the talks with success. This is a giant step for our relations.
What is encouraging is the broad support this Agreement – and Ukraine’s European choice – enjoys in Ukrainian society.
It is also of decisive importance for Ukraine’s progress towards modernisation, prosperity, and the realisation of Ukraine’s European ambition. I pay tribute to the work that has been done.
We want to take steps to sign and ratify the Association Agreement as soon as we can, but this will depend on political circumstances. In this regard, a number of recent domestic developments in Ukraine have led to a difficult atmosphere between the European Union and Ukraine.
The support of European public opinion to Ukraine’s political association and economic integration to the EU is an important asset, closely related to this field. The perceived deterioration of the quality of democracy and rule of law in Ukraine has a direct impact in our Member-States, in our public at large, and in the European Parliament.
Our strong concern is primarily related to the risks of politically-motivated justice in Ukraine. The Timoshenko trial is the most striking example. But just as important, a comprehensive justice
reform in line with international standards is absolutely key. Media freedom and freedom of assembly are also key for a full fledged democracy. Shortcomings have to be corrected.
Mr President, the respect for these principles, enshrined in the Eastern Partnership and at the core of the Association Agreement, is decisive for the pace and depth of rapprochement with the EU and of the signing and ratification of the Association Agreement . But it is also fundamental to Ukraine’s future development as a competitive, dynamic and innovative society.
In this context, the parliamentary elections to be held next year, will be a litmus test. The conduct of these elections will have to meet the commitments of the OSCE, including the ensuring of a level playing field for all possible candidates. And it is of outmost importance that they can exercise their political rights.
We do, however, take note of the cross-party adoption by the Ukrainian Parliament of a new Law on Election of the People’s Deputies. We encourage you to continue close cooperation with the Venice Commission.
In summary, we share not only the common interest but also the common ambition of a closer EU-Ukraine relationship. This summit is proof of our commitment. We will work toward the realisation of this ambition. But this will require a major effort from Ukraine.
Finally, we will have an exchange on a couple of regional issues during lunch.
First on Belarus. Today it is one year since the violations of electoral standards at the 19 December Presidential elections in Belarus, which triggered a crackdown on civil society and political opposition. The developments during the last 12 months are worrying – the atmosphere of repression remains unabated.
The EU’s policy is principled. We stick to our policies of restrictive measures and outreach towards Belarusian civil society and public at large. We will not change this until all political prisoners are released and rehabilitated.
We are happy for the dramatic improvement in Ukraine – Moldova relations since our last Summit. The European Union and Ukraine have a common interest in the territorial integrity of Moldova. We have high hopes for the resumption of the formal talks.
Once again, Mr President, this is an important day in our relations. Hopefully it is the beginning of the important period in which we can fully share common values and common interests.
The Official statement by President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy following the 15th European Union-Ukraine Summit.
Russia, New challengers for the Kremlin?
13 Dec 2011“ … Alexei Kudrin, a longtime Putin ally forced out as finance minister in September, said he wanted to help create a liberal party to fill a void exposed by Russia’s December 4 parliamentary vote, which set off mass protests over alleged fraud.
Billionaire Mikhail Prokhorov, a metals magnate, separately announced he would run in the March presidential vote expected to return Putin to the Kremlin after four years as prime minister. 
Both men cast themselves as potential leaders of liberal forces that have struggled to gain political representation, but analysts and opposition politicians raised questions about their motives and their independence from Putin and the Kremlin.
Kudrin said the election had shown the “dire” need for a strong liberal alternative. “Today one can say that the demand for the creation of such a structure is so high that it will certainly begin to be created,” Kudrin, 51, said in the interview published by the financial daily Vedomosti. “The process of the consolidation of liberal and democratic forces will now go forward. I am absolutely certain of this, and I myself am ready to support this,” Kudrin said, adding that it was too early to talk about a potential leader.
MIDDLE CLASS
Putin’s plan to return to the presidency and make Medvedev prime minister, unveiled in September, deepened feelings of many Russians that the future had been decided without their input. The Duma election increased a feeling of disenfranchisement.
Prokhorov, 46, described himself as a “defender of middle-class interests“. He told a news conference he was “ready to be an integrator” of Russia’s liberal, democratically minded opposition.
Both Prokhorov and Kudrin are relatively new to electoral politics and are fresh from public breaks with the Kremlin. Kudrin had been finance minister since 2000, the year Putin was first elected president, until he was forced out in September after criticizing President Dmitry Medvedev for lavish military spending plans.
Prokhorov, long seen as more of a playboy than a politician, briefly headed Right Cause, widely seen as a pocket party controlled by the Kremlin to win liberal support. But he quit, also in September, after a spat with Kremlin political strategist Vladislav Surkov, influential deputy head of the presidential administration.
Boris Nemtsov, a longtime Putin foe whose political party was denied registration by the Justice Ministry this year, barring it from the parliamentary vote, said he believed Prokhorov’s candidacy was engineered by the Kremlin. “This is a 100 percent Putin-inspired project,” he told Reuters.
A liberal party led by Kudrin, who rejected a Kremlin request to lead Right Cause earlier this year, could offer a way for Putin to channel discontent and reduce the threat posed by the biggest opposition protests since he came to power in 1999. “Of course the Kremlin wants to retain control and channel the energy that spilled out into the street on Saturday into a project that will be not be completely unpredictable,” said Maria Lipman, political analyst at the Carnegie Moscow Center.
Kudrin avoided strong criticism of Putin in the interview, saying he had done a good job softening the blow from the global financial crisis on Russia, and blaming United Russia for the lack of progress in fighting corruption and other problems. But he warned that the legitimacy of the presidential election would be undermined if the authorities ignore the allegations of fraud in the parliamentary vote.
Kudrin called for a recount “in certain polling districts and even regions” and said the Kremlin should consider dismissing the head of the Central Election Commission, Vladimir Churov, which is one of the protesters’ other demands… ”
FULL ARTICLE - Steve Gutterman – Reuters
| Party | 2011 | 6th Duma seats | 2007 | 5th Duma seats |
| United Russia | 49.32 | 238 | 64.3% | 315 – total 450 |
| Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) | 19.19 | 92 | 11.57% | 57 |
| A Fair Russia | 13.24 | 64 | 7.7% | 38 |
| LDPR | 11,67 | 56 | 8.14% | 40 |
| Yabloko | 3.43 | No | 1.5% | No |
| Right Cause | 0.6 | No | 0.96% | No |
| Patriots of Russia | 0.97 | No | 0.89% | No |
Turnout in 2011 … 60.2%
Turnout in 2007 … 63.71%
| United Russia | 48.5 | 46 | In 2007 64,3% |
| Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) | 19.8 | 21 | |
| A Fair Russia | 12.8 | 14.1 | |
| LDPR | 11.4 | 13.2 | |
| Yabloko | 4.17 | 3.6 | |
| Right Cause | 1.1 | 1 | |
| Patriots of Russia | 0.9 | 1 |
Euro 2012, final groups and schedule decided
3 Dec 2011
The schedule for UEFA EURO 2012 in Poland and Ukraine has been confirmed following the draw in Kyiv.
Poland will launch the tournament on Friday 8 June at 18.00CET against Greece in Warsaw followed by the other Group A opener between Russia and the Czech Republic at 20.45CET. The next day the Netherlands face Denmark in Kharkiv and Germany take on Portugal in Lviv to begin Group B, and on 10 June Group C starts as holders Spain play Italy and the Republic of Ireland are matched with Croatia.
Ukraine are involved in the last of the opening set of fixtures, meeting Sweden in Group D in Kyiv after England tackle France in Donetsk. The group stage runs until 19 June, then, after a rest day, the quarter-finals take place over four consecutive nights. The semi-finals are on 29 June in Donetsk and the following evening in Warsaw, before Kyiv stages the 1 July decider.
Match schedule
All kick-offs CET, Ukrainian time is one hour ahead
Friday 8 June 2012
#1: POL v GRE, 18.00CET, Warsaw
#2: RUS v CZE, 20.45CET, Wroclaw
Saturday 9 June 2012
#3: NED v DEN, 18.00CET, Kharkiv
#4: GER v POR, 20.45CET, Lviv
Sunday 10 June 2012
#5: ESP v ITA, 18.00CET, Gdansk
#6: IRL v CRO, 20.45CET, Poznan
Monday 11 June 2012
#7: FRA v ENG, 18.00CET, Donetsk
#8: UKR v SWE, 20.45CET, Kyiv
Tuesday 12 June 2012
#9: GRE v CZE, 18.00CET, Wroclaw
#10: POL v RUS, 20.45CET, Warsaw
Wednesday 13 June 2012
#11: DEN v POR, 18.00CET, Lviv
#12: NED v GER, 20.45CET, Kharkiv
Thursday 14 June 2012
#13: ITA v CRO, 18.00CET, Poznan
#14: ESP v IRL, 20.45CET, Gdansk
Friday 15 June 2012
#15: SWE v ENG, 20.45CET, Kyiv
#16: UKR v FRA, 18.00CET, Donetsk
Saturday 16 June 2012
#17: CZE v POL, 20.45CET, Wroclaw
#18: GRE v RUS, 20.45CET, Warsaw
Sunday 17 June 2012
#19: POR v NED, 20.45CET, Kharkiv
#20: DEN v GER, 20.45CET, Lviv
Monday 18 June 2012
#21: CRO v ESP, 20.45CET, Gdansk
#22: ITA v IRL, 20.45CET, Poznan
Tuesday 19 June 2012
#23: ENG v UKR, 20.45CET, Donetsk
#24: SWE v FRA, 20.45CET, Kyiv
Wednesday 20 June 2012
No matches
Thursday 21 June 2012
#25: 1A v 2B, 20.45CET, Warsaw
Friday 22 June 2012
#26: 1B v 2A, 20.45CET, Gdansk
Saturday 23 June 2012
#27: 1C v 2D, 20.45CET, Donetsk
Sunday 24 June 2012
#28: 1D v 2C, 20.45CET, Kyiv
Monday 25 June 2012
No matches
Tuesday 26 June 2012
No matches
Wednesday 27 June 2012
#29: W#25 v W#27, 20.45CET, Donetsk
Thursday 28 June 2012
#30: W#26 v W#28, 20.45CET, Warsaw
Friday 29 June 2012
No matches
Saturday 30 June 2012
No matches
Sunday 1 July 2012
#31: W#29 v W#30, 20.45CET, Kyiv
Source UEFA.com
The “Club de Nice” has been initiated by request of the City of Nice and is run by the Institut Europeen des Hautes Etudes Internationales in cooperation with the Russian Academy of Sciences and the Centre de Recherches Enttreprises et Societes of Geneva. Its main goal is to offer public and private leaders in the field of energy a regular place to meet and discuss their specific problems in a constantly changing world.
The work conducted as usual in partnership with the Russian Academy of Sciences bears upon the main topic global energy themes and the impact of their development on energy policy in Europe and Russia.
Forum December 1-3, 2011
Thursday, 1 December, 2011
3.30‐4.00 pm Opening session
Chairman: M. Valery KOSTIOUK, Secretary General of the Russian Academy of Sciences.
4.00‐5.00 pm Keynote speech
5.00‐6.00 pm Presentation of « Geopolitics of Energy », a book co‐produced by the Russian Academy of Sciences and Club de Nice Energie & Geopolitique.
Friday, 2 December, 2011
9.00‐11.00 am Round table 1: Oil and gas: producing countries and political risks The events that marked most Southern Mediterranean and Middle Eastern countries in 2011 revived the debate on the high political risks in international energy relations. Such risks are particularly high for European countries, obviously, as they rely heavily on external sources. What impact does this have on their basic energy policy decisions? Above and beyond national policies to diversify sources and suppliers, can a European approach be envisaged? Are solidarity mechanisms ‐ as in matters of finance ‐ conceivable? What lessons can be learnt for relations with Russia?
11.00 am‐1.00 pm Round table 2: Public action and energy policy The recent catastrophes at Deep Water Horizon and in Fukushima have raised the question once again of the compatibility of the interests of private companies with those of society in general. Today more than ever, defining and implementing an energy policy would seem to call for compromise. Given the power of the companies ‐ which knows no borders ‐, and the different levels of public regulation (local, national and international), what kind of control is possible?
2.30‐4.30 pm Round table 3: What future for nuclear power? The Fukushima catastrophe was widely covered in the media, triggering a tidal wave of emotion all over the world. At the very time when nuclear power seemed to be taking off again, Fukushima caused decisions that had already been taken to be hastily reconsidered and occasionally overturned. A scientific, technical, economic and political debate on nuclear power and on the conditions for harnessing it is now vital, particularly for Europe and Russia.
4.30‐6.30 pm Round table 4: Energy efficiency and partnership in the Europe‐Russia dialogue Russia has a lot to gain from better energy efficiency, both in terms of the energy savings that could result (several hundred million TOE between now and 2020 according to the European Commission) and in infrastructure investments required for developing a suitable policy (over 700 billion euros according to the same source). In a policy document entitled “Energy Strategy to 2020″, Russia has embraced this challenge as one of its major objectives. It also constitutes a key topic in energy discussions with the European Union. Extending the partnership in this field emerges as a jointly beneficial priority.
7.00 pm Reception
Saturday, 3 December, 2011
9.00‐11.00 am Round table 5: Energy and Mediterranean cooperation For those who live on its shores, and in particular for Europeans, the Mediterranean is becoming the linchpin in energy security policy. Over 30% of Europe’s consumption has traditionally transited through the Mediterranean, and this role is set to develop with increased gas imports from Central Asia and Russia, extensions to oil and gas pipeline networks in the zone, and growing methane traffic (Algerian, Libyan and Nigerian LNG heading for Europe). This evolution is of major importance to Russia; the country is not only a keen observer, but also a key player. Furthermore, the complementary nature of energy interests in the South with its exports, and in the North as a natural client out of necessity, opens avenues for cooperation in line with global tendencies towards energy diversification. Projects such as “Désertec” (for the mass production of solar energy in the Sahara), and “Transgreen”, now called “Medgrid” (to carry that solar energy to Europe via the Mediterranean), are part of the Union for the Mediterranean’s “Solar Plan”.
11.00‐12.30 am Summary of debates. Conclusions.
Relations between Turkmenistan and China are long-term and strategic. “These relations stood the test of time, proven their efficiency and now are a major factor of stability and development in the Eurasian space,” President Gurbanguly Berdimuhammadov said in an interview before his official visit to Beijing.
In December 2009 Turkmenistan-China gas pipeline was commissioned. “This is an outstanding event. This project is of strategic importance for both sides, meets long-term interests of Turkmenistan and China, as well as logic of global economic development, in which energy supplies play an increasing role,” Berdimuhammadov told Chinese journalists.
The Turkmen leader stressed that Ashgabat jointly with Chinese partners is working on further increase in the supply of Turkmen gas to Beijing in view of increasing demands in China’s economy and great opportunities of Turkmenistan’s resource base. ”China is not just a huge and great country, a powerful global economic and industrial centre, a vast and promising market for Turkmenistan. It is a reliable and trusted friend,” Berdimuhammadov highlighted.
At the same time China is ready to work with Turkmenistan to create a good environment for their business cooperation. Cooperation between the two countries has seen achievement in economic, trade, energy, transportation and other fields in recent years, Chinese Vice Premier Wang Qishan told at a business forum.
In last weeks Ashgabat issued an angry response to Russian scepticism over the size of its natural gas reserves and reinforced its ambition to find new energy markets in Asia and Europe that will cut its dependence on the Kremlin. BP data ranks natural gas reserves in Turkmenistan, a Central Asian nation of 5.4 million, as the world’s fourth-largest. The country is seeking alternative export routes to meet its goal of more than tripling natural gas output by 2030.
Auditor Gaffney, Cline & Associates has ranked the South Iolotan natural gas field as the world’s second-largest after South Pars in Iran, saying last month it could contain between 13.1 trillion and 21.2 trillion cubic metres. But Alexander Medvedev, deputy chief executive of Russian gas export monopoly Gazprom, called these estimates into question. “I believe that there are no grounds … and no reason to make such statements that there is such a natural deposit with reserves of this scale,” Medvedev said.
Ashgabat, at odds with Moscow over its plans to export gas to Europe, issued a strongly worded statement, expressing “bewilderment over the biased assessment by a professional” and calling Gazprom‘s remarks “utterly tactless”. Turkmenistan has expanded gas exports to next-door Iran and launched a pipeline to China. It has also won strong support from the European Union and the United States for plans to supply gas to a trans-Caspian pipeline that will run to Europe via Azerbaijan.
Turkmenistan’s annual natural gas output is estimated to have averaged around 70 billion cubic metres in the 20 years of independence from the Soviet Union. Turkmenistan aims to produce 230 bcm of the fuel annually by 2030.
(Sources – Xinhua, Reuters, Trend)
Polish priorities in next 4 years.
10 Nov 2011
The need for economic growth, the demographic changes, and the preparation for entering into the eurozone are the top three priorities for Poland in the next four years according to President Bronislaw Komorowski. The head of State gave a speech at the new Parliament lower house Sejm’s inaugural meeting.
The first challenge is to “improve state’s functioning,” Komorowski said, underlining that in times difficult for Europe “only courageous and wise actions will allow Poland to continue stable economic growth.”
Poland must pay attention to growing life expectancy, and low total fertility rate. “The forecasts give a reason to worry and require a deep analysis,” he highlighted. The necessary steps should include “public debate about gradual increase of retirement age” to assure decent pension benefits, “support for responsible parenting” and completing the healthcare system reform.
The third challenge is the crisis in Europe. Poland should “reach the readiness to adhere to the eurozone,” Komorowski said. “It is about awareness that this is the way leading to further development.” Clearly the condition is to contain the current crisis,” the President observed. “Without membership Poland will be deprived of a chance to play a role in the world, adequate to our aspirations.”
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