Euro-Integration


Украинский парламент принял Декларацию памяти и солидарности сейма Республики Польша и Верховной Рады Украины по событиям Второй мировой войны. Об этом говорится в сообщении, опубликованном на сайте украинского парламента.

 Ранее планировалось принятие декларации парламентами трех стран – Украины, Польши и Литвы. Однако из текста было исключено упоминание о сейме Литвы в связи с формированием в этой стране нового состава парламента, передает “Интерфакс”.

 В декларации отмечается “великая историческая жертва народов Польши и Украины ради защиты свободы и независимости“. “Представители сейма Республики Польша и Верховной Рады Украины совместно и одновременно принимают эту Декларацию памяти и солидарности, чтобы почтить память миллионов жертв, которые понесли наши народы во время Второй мировой войны, и осудить внешних агрессоров, которые пытались уничтожить нашу независимость”, – говорится в документе. pakt

Ответственность за начало Второй мировой войны в декларации возлагается на нацистскую Германию и Советский Союз. По мнению авторов документа, пакт Молотова – Риббентропа, заключенный в 1939 году “между двумя тоталитарными режимами – коммунистическим Советским Союзом и нацистской Германией”, “привел к взрыву 1 сентября Второй мировой войны, вызванной агрессией Германии, к которой 17 сентября присоединился Советский Союз“.

“Следствием этих событий была оккупация Польши Германией и Советским Союзом и массовые репрессии против наших народов. Те события привели также к принятию в Ялте в 1945 году решений, которые начали новый этап порабощения всей Восточной и Центральной Европы, длившийся полвека”, говорится в декларации.

Poland has signed a deal to build the first gas pipeline connecting the Baltic states to the EU energy market. The pipeline will integrate EU and Baltic energy markets and reduce dependence on Russian gas.

The 558 million euro ($636 million) gas pipeline will end the energy isolation of the Baltic countries by connecting the gas markets of Poland and Lithuania, the European Commission said

“Today we have done much more than bringing the energy isolation of the Baltic States to an end. We have brought the region further together,” European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker said. “We are launching a project that will allow us to overcome historic limitations, including the direction of gas supplies from East to West,” PM Kopacz told a press conference.

The 534-kilometer (332-mile) Gas Interconnector Poland-Lithuania (GIPL) will be backed by a 305 million euro investment from the European Commission, which has set out the goal of creating an integrated European gas market and ensuring members have multiple supplies of energy. Once the GIPL is built, it will connect the Lithuanian, Estonian and Latvian gas network with the EU. The pipeline is scheduled to be completed by December 2019.

Earlier this week, PM Ewa Kopacz opened a liquefied natural gas terminal at the Baltic port of Świnoujście, northern Poland, which is yet another move expected to improve the energy independence of the country. The first shipment of LNG is expected to arrive from Qatar in December

L’Unione europea è nata per non essere potenza o soggetto geopolitico, ma uno spazio di democrazia e di economia di mercato con una valuta comune, in cui lo Stato di diritto e la difesa dei diritti umani siano garantiti a tutti. Questa l’idea dei “padri fondatori”.

Le crisi, importate dal 2007, stanno evidenziando la lontananza tra le teorie filosofiche e la dura realtà.

Ad esempio, per salvare l’euro si è intervenuti con politiche monetarie non convenzionali, fondi salva Stati concordati in notte insonni. E’ stata pure creata una sorta di unione bancaria per una futura comune politica fiscale.

Adesso, per risolvere il problema dei profughi, cosa ci si inventerà? Le poche centinaia di migliaia di disperati siriani, presenti sul territorio comunitario, sono soltanto l’avanguardia delle 11 milioni di persone, che hanno abbandonato le loro case dal 2011 ad oggi. SyrianRefugees1

Barack Obama è stato eletto dagli americani per concludere le guerre e rimettere in ordine le casse dello Stato. Con la rivoluzione energetica Washington non ha più necessità di vegliare sulle rotte delle materie prime. Da qui anche il suo “non interventismo” in Medio Oriente ed Africa.

Gli europei non hanno capito che è finita l’epoca in cui l’alleato Usa toglieva le castagne dal fuoco. Il vuoto, creatosi nel bacino sud-orientale del Mediterraneo, è stato colmato dagli arabi del Golfo e dall’Isis.

Sorge spontanea una domanda: dov’è l’Unione europea in presenza di crisi gravissime? La politica estera comunitaria appare ancora spuntata, tanto che, mentre Berlino e Parigi sono presenti al tavolo sul conflitto ucraino, solamente britannici e francesi tentano di tenere alta la bandiera fuori dal Vecchio continente.

Non devono stupire le reazioni dei neo europei, quelli orientali, verso i migranti: stanno venendo a galla le contraddizioni dell’allargamento Ue ad Est del 2004, quando la “Casa europea” è diventata un condominio.

Questi popoli, ex “sudditi” del Cremlino, sono fuggiti allora da una pesante situazione geopolitica. Come non dare loro oggi torto alla luce dei tragici recenti avvenimenti ucraini? Questa gente condivide solo in parte certi valori.

Il fallimento delle “primaverearabe con la mancata esportazione della democrazia, l’instabilità nello spazio ex sovietico e l’incognita cinese sono durissimi banchi di prova.

Se non si vogliono i rifugiati in casa propria bisogna fermare la guerra e l’anarchia, anche sporcandosi le mani. Se si intende limitare l’arrivo di migranti economici è necessario varare politiche di assistenza nei Paesi più poveri. La lezione di questi giorni è una: lo status quo e la paralisi, con interminabili summit, mettono in pericolo la comune coabitazione europea.
gda

EuroLithuania!

1 Jan 2015

Lithuania is the 19th European state to adopt the continental currencyLithuaniaEuro.

The euro gives the country more freedom in negotiating business with Russia, said Valdas Adamkus, who was president of Lithuania for about a decade until 2009. It provides an extra measure of geopolitical security.

At 0.4 percent, its inflation rate is just a hair above the euro zone average of 0.3 percent, and its 9.5 percent unemployment rate is right in the middle of the pack, and comfortably below the zone average of 11.5 percent. Lithuania’s 1.3 percent real GDP growth rate beats both of its Baltic partners and is again well above the -2.2 percent Euro Zone average.

 Data

 Today is my first day in office as President of the European Council. As you can imagine it is a very important day for me. And I hope that it is for you as well. If you are a little nervous about this  replacement, the change of boss, don’t worry, I’m a little nervous, too. In fact it is a great honour for me to start working here. And of course a great challenge. TuskEU First and foremost because Herman Van Rompuy, our first permanent President, will be a tough act to And it is not a compliment, dear Herman, it is a fact. I am perhaps your greatest admirer in Europe. Not because you supported my election as your successor… or at least not only. It is no exaggeration when I say that you helped to steer us, to steer Europe out of the storm.

 For five years – as one of the Prime Ministers around the table – I witnessed your skills: creating compromises; finding solutions; establishing trust, among often tough characters (I was no angel myself). Yes: Herman Van Rompuy in fact personifies traditional European political principles, which are also important to me: trust, common sense, moderation and decency. We all thank you for the excellent work you have done, Herman.

  Dear colleagues, mes chers collègues, I also thank you for the great job you have done. I am aware of the importance of your work of protocol, of  press, of interpretation, of translation, of security, of political advice, and all the other tasks and roles of this house. You were all an important part of Herman Van Rompuy’s success. And I d eeply believe that you will all be an important part of our future success. I come here with a strong sense of purpose. In these difficult times Europe needs success. And success for Europe, in the coming years, means in my opinion four things:

 First, protecting our fundamental values: solidarity, freedom, unity against the threats to the Union and its unity coming from both inside and outside. Today, not only are eurosceptics questioning the EU’s value, the Union even has enemies. Politics has returned to Europe, history is back, and such times need leadership and political unity.

 Second, we need ruthless determination to end the economic crisis. It is our responsibility to complete the genuine Economic Monetary Union. I take this task very seriously. And we must remember that our common currency, the Euro, is our advantage, not our disadvantage.

 Third, the European Union must be strong internationally. Europe has to secure its borders and support those in the neighbourhood who share our values.

 And fourth, the relations between Europe and the United States are the backbone of the community of democracies. Both we and the Americans are responsible for the future of our relations. The year ahead will be crucial. For all of these things, I will need your help at every step of the way. I already know a lot about your dedication, your determination, your expertise. That gives me great confidence. Confidence that we will work as a team.

 Je me réjouis à l’idée de travailler avec vous. (That was French.)

Merci Dank u wel, Herman. Thank you. Dziękuję bardzo, Polsko.

 Tusk and his biography.

EAST EUROPE. Dal crollo del Muro alle nuove sfide 

Cahiers  n.1/2014

Numero monografico in onore di Renato Mieli, Dario Staffa, Pina D’Amato

 

 

A cura di Stefano Monti Bragadin e Giuseppe D’Amato

Presentazione

Eugenio Boccardo

Introduzione

Stefano Monti Bragadin

 

TESTIMONIANZE – TESTIMONIES

Lech Wałęsa: il mio 9 novembre 1989

Fulvio Scaglione

 Cahiers1

Tadeusz Mazowiecki: la Ddr era al capolinea

Luigi Geninazzi

 

François Fejtö: dal crollo dell’Urss alla globalizzazione

Almerico Di Meglio

 

Dmitrij Likhaciov: il Novecento, per fortuna, è finito!

Giuseppe D’Amato

 

L’Ostpolitik vaticana: modus vivendi, modus non moriendi

Francesco Strazzari

 

Oltre il muro si piange

Luigi Geninazzi

 

Un ospite dal passato

Stefan Scholl

GERMANIA – GERMANY

Gian Enrico Rusconi: la Storia sopra Berlino

Erminio Ferrari

 

The Berlin Republic: Evolution of Germany’s Politics of Memory and German Patriotism

Krzysztof Zalewski

 

Zwanzig Jahre Friedliche Revolution Heutige Sichten der Ostdeutschen

Gunnar Winkler und Reinhard Liebscher

 

The German Vision of NATO’s Future: the Alliance as a Building Block of Germany and Europe’s Security

Justyna Gotkowska

CONVERSAZIONI – DIALOGUES

Luigi Bonanate e Marco Revelli: l’eredità del Muro, la lunga vita del secolo breve

Erminio Ferrari

 

James Bissett: anni Novanta, un decennio perso

Giuseppe D’Amato

 

Viktor Kremenjuk: verso un mondo multipolare

Giuseppe D’Amato

FERITE SANGUINANTI – BLEEDING WOUNDS

Rambouillet ’99: trattativa o ultimatum?

Maurizio Cerruti

 

Polonia 2007: esqueletos en la memoria

Giuseppe D’Amato

 

Andrzej Wajda: Katyń, the Defeat of the Silence

Giuseppe D’Amato

UNIONE EUROPEA – THE EUROPEAN UNION

Unificazione monetaria europea e riforma dell’architettura finanziaria internazionale

Sergio Rossi

L’Europa fra euro-propositivi ed euro-scettici

Ugo Poletti

RUSSIA

Perché è crollata l’Urss: le «lezioni» di Egor Gajdar

Giuseppe Gatti 

The EU and Russia’s Post-Soviet Economic Policy

Marco Fantini

 

The Ideology of Putinism

Anne Applebaum

 

La natura della Russia: Solgenitsin vs Pipes

Anna Rapotoueva

Come superare la crisi nazionale: riflessione sulla strategia di sicurezza della Russia

Viktor Kremenjuk

La Russie postsoviétique et ses frontières: bouleversements et ambiguïtés du rapport au monde extérieur

Ann de Tinguy

The New Great Game: a Breakthrough?

Aleksandra Jarosiewicz and Krzysztof Strachota

Il trust nell’ex Patria del comunismo

Giuseppe Lepore e Simona Peschiera

ALCUNE DELLE NUOVE SFIDE DEL XXI SECOLO – SOME OF THE NEW CHALLENGES IN THE 21st CENTURY

Arthur Chilingarov: the Arctic Race. Russia in Pole Position

Giuseppe D’Amato

Robert N. Huebert: the Militarization of the Arctic. The Canadian Point of View

Giuseppe D’Amato

Rod Lyon: l’Australia e il Pacifico nel XXI secolo

Giuseppe D’Amato


Is China a Rival or Partner? From the Japanese Perspective

Masafumi Iida

 US War on Terror and Indian Security Interest

Anand Kumar

Demography, Migration and Population Policies

Joseph Chamie

The New Appeal of Nuclear Energy and the Dangers of Proliferation

Oliver Thränert

The European Council has appointed Federica Mogherini as the next EU High Representative and Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk as EU Council President.

The EU Vote – 2014

28 May 2014
Political Group Votes MEPs
Political Group % Change+/- Total Change +/-
Epp 24.22 -8.29 221 -50
Soc 24.26 +1.58 185 -6
Oth 20.91 +7.38 113 +84
Lib 7.87 -2.42 55 -30
Grn 7.21 -0.04 47 -8
Con 4.16 -0.59 45 -11
Left 6.23 +2.1 45 +10
Efd 5.13 0.29 40 +11

Dalia Grybauskaite was re-elected president of Lithuania in a runoff. She won 58% of the votes with her Social Democrat rival Zigmantas Balcytis trailing on 42%. Early results showed about 43.7 percent of the country’s 2.5 million registered voters went to the polls. Lithuanians also voted to fill 11 seats in the European Parliament.
Ms Grybauskaite thanked her supporters for granting her a second term.

“No president has been elected twice in a row in Lithuania. It will be a historic victory for all of you,” she said.
She is an economist who served as Lithuania’s finance minister and EU budget commissioner before becoming her country’s first female president in 2009.

It was the biggest expansion in EU history when ten countries joined the bloc ten years ago amid great expectations and joy. Entrepreneurs in the old EU states were the only ones who remained wary. EuropeanFlag

Niklas Helvig Research Fellow – The European Union Research Programme, Finnish institute of International Affaire thinks that after the end of the cold war, it was the only feasible policy of the EU to offer the countries in Europe’s East a European perspective. First and foremost, the new countries benefited greatly from accession. Just one example: while the GDP per capita in Slovakia was on the same level as Ukraine in 1990, it is now 4 times as high. Most of the increase took place from the early 2000s onwards. But also the EU itself benefited from its new members. Many of the new member states play a leading role in the policy making of the Union. Poland, for example, is a major player in Europe’s foreign policy.

Frank Hage Lecturer in Politics, Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Limerick thinks that the prospect of becoming an EU member state was an important incentive in developing and maintaining democratic standards and functioning market economies for the countries transitioning from communist rule. In this regard, the prospect of enlargement and then the integration in the EU was very much a stabilizing factor in Central and Eastern Europe. That a trajectory towards democracy and the rule of law of transitioning countries cannot be taken for granted is best illustrated by current developments in Northern Africa after the Arab Spring revolutions and developments at the current EU’s Eastern periphery (e.g. Belarus and Ukraine).

According to Marjan Svetlicic Professor of International Economic Relations and Negotiations, University of Ljubljana Crises revealed some problems in the functioning of the EU as a whole which were accentuated by differences in the development level between old and new members. It revealed that the convergence was not fast enough that differences during the crises increased, that new members lagged behind in competitiveness that reforms in many of them slowed down after first positive effects of enlargement were consumed. Perhaps the major problem was that incumbent members, particularly Germany, thought that after enlargement adjustments are necessary only in new members. However “one needs two to dance”. Hence old members have to adjust as well. It is not sustainable that some countries, particularly Germany remains for years net exporter to other members and new members net importers.

 Tom Rostoks, Researcher, Latvian Institute of International Affairs, In my opinion, the EU enlargement has been a tremendous success because it has shown what can be achieved by determined reform-minded governments in Central and Eastern Europe. Both old and new member states have benefited from enlargement. New member states have benefited financially from increased EU funding and their citizens have enjoyed greater freedom of movement. But old member states have also benefited because of increased stability and prosperity on their doorsteps. EU enlargement was a historical possibility, a window of opportunity, and the current events in Ukraine bear witness of what is happening with countries that do not formally belong to the community of EU and NATO member states.

 From Matisak blog

 See also:

Travel to the Baltic Hansa. The EU enlargement to the East

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We are a group of long experienced European journalists and intellectuals interested in international politics and culture. We would like to exchange our opinion on new Europe and Russia.

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