“In her keynote address, opening the World Economic Forum in Davos, Chancellor Angela Merkel urged Europe to become “more European” and work together to resolve its festering problems. 
Merkel said Europe lacked the political structures to make the common currency, the euro, work properly. Despite recent biting criticism that Germany should shoulder more responsibility in the current debt crisis, Merkel stressed that Berlin was resolved to do what was necessary to save European unity.
Merkel said that the world had not learned from the 2008 financial crisis. Reforms of financial markets have not gone far enough, she said.
The Chancellor said Berlin was ready to play its full part in combating the eurozone crisis, but could not promise things it cannot deliver.
In an interview Merkel insisted that nations at the center of the eurozone debt crisis needed to press ahead with economic reform measures. “It does not make sense to promise more money, but not tackle the causes of the problem,” the Chancellor said.
At the same time, she again called on other European leaders to agree on a tough set of parameters to form the basis of the planned fiscal pact on budget discipline.
“If you have promised debt reduction and solid public finances a hundred times, then it must also be enforced in the future,” Merkel said.
The Chancellor’s remarks followed calls by Italy and the International Monetary Fund for Germany to offer more funds to boost the so-called European Stability Mechanism (ESM). Merkel has ruled out bolstering the permanent euro rescue fund… ”
Full Article - Nancy Isenson Deutsche Welle
Former German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher has paid tribute to the late Czech president and anti-communist hero Vaclav Havel. Europe has lost a “great European,” Genscher says. When did you last speak to Vaclav Havel? 
Hans-Dietrich Genscher: It was either this year or last year. We saw quite a lot of each other – even before the revolution in 1989 – but of course much more during his time in office. But we also still kept in touch after we both had left office. I had direct a contact with him for many years through two of his colleagues who worked on “Charter 77″ with him.
When you first met Havel, he had already been a writer for many years. In that sense he was not a professional politician, but an artist. What role did that play in his commitment to politics?
Commitment to freedom was a way of life for him. But as a poet he was able to convey his beliefs through the power of words. And it was with the power of words that he challenged the communist regime in former Czechoslovakia and ultimately brought it to an end. He was a source of encouragement to the people of the Czech Republic and Slovakia in their fight for freedom and democracy.
Thinking back to the revolution in 1989, the image that comes to mind for many people is of Havel on the balcony of the embassy in Prague. Which image of Vaclav Havel has particularly stuck in your memory?
A whole series of images come to mind, even those taken when you could see how distressed and restricted he was by his terrible disease. And yet you could still see his fighting spirit and the courage he had shown during times of persecution. The former federal German President Richard von Weizsäcker’s first visit to the official residence of the Czech president in Prague was also particularly special because the man who was formerly persecuted could receive guests from Germany as the president of Czechoslovakia.
People often refer to a “political friendship” when the talk about the relationship the two of you shared. You have said yourself that you continued to see Havel even after your political career had ended. Was it a political friendship or was it more than that?
We were certainly in tune with one another on many basic issues, but there was also a very human affection, which probably should always be the case. It was the case here. Perhaps the fact that we had both experienced life under communist regimes played a part. He experienced it in Prague and I had experienced communism while living in the Soviet occupation zone and then the German Democratic Republic between 1945 and 1952, before I left for West Germany.
What will you miss most about Vaclav Havel?
The death of Vaclav Havel has made Europe a lot poorer. We have lost a great European and I think that many Europeans will be united in mourning today, at any rate, the Germans and the Czechs.
FULL Interview – Michael Borgers – Deutsche Welle
VIDEO – Mourning
BIOGRAPHY – France24 – VIDEO
Due sono le cose: o gli europei che vivono nell’area dell’euro sono su un “Titanic” e non se ne accorgono oppure chi è al di fuori della zona della moneta unica è in preda ad un isterismo strisciante. Gli unici aspetti certi sono che il lontanissimo rischio che la situazione finanziaria continentale possa degenerare ha preso forma e i Diciassette dell’euro hanno la necessità di dover assumere con rapidità decisioni strategiche di portata epocale.
Per meglio comprendere cosa stia accadendo, tralasciando analisi di carattere economico e monetario, è opportuno soffermarsi su due momenti fondamentali: quello politico e quello culturale.
Il primo punto da evidenziare è che la costruzione europea, sorta dopo la fine della Guerra Fredda, è entrata immancabilmente in crisi in questi tesissimi mesi. Adesso i Diciassette hanno il difficile compito di edificare, in tutta fretta, l’Europa del Ventunesimo secolo, quella che – tutti noi ci auguriamo – competerà in futuro nel mondo globalizzato con altri giganti regionali.
E’ bene subito segnalare che non bisogna inventare nulla. Si sa bene quali passi compiere e quali soluzioni scegliere. Il problema è un altro: far approvare questo complesso piano di riorganizzazione da tutti i membri e metterlo in pratica in men che non si dica. In buona sostanza, se si vorrà far sopravvivere l’euro gli Stati nazionali saranno costretti a cedere – a vantaggio delle istituzioni comunitarie – ulteriori quote di sovranità, dopo quella monetaria alla Banca centrale europea nel 2002.
Il processo di unione politica, che ha segnato un passo falso con la bocciatura della Costituzione continentale (poi rimediato parzialmente con la successiva “mini -Costituzione”), è destinato a ripartire con veemenza e giocare ora un ruolo centrale. Il dubbio è se i singoli Stati dell’area euro sono pronti a questo sacrificio. Le resistenze saranno assai forti, ma l’Europa sta pericolosamente avvicinandosi ad un precipizio.
Se salta il banco tutti indistintamente ci rimetteranno e non poco. Secondo il presidente della Commissione Barroso ogni singolo Paese perderebbe il 50% del suo Pil. Come riferiscono alcuni specialisti il marco di apprezzerebbe del 40% il giorno stesso della sua riapparizione e la lira segnerebbe un meno 60%. In questo modo gran parte dell’export tedesco perderebbe competitività con spaventose ripercussioni interne. La Germania si ritroverebbe una “Cina” supertecnologica (leggasi Italia) in mezzo al Vecchio Continente, come avvenne tra il 1994 ed il 1995, quando una bottiglia di vino italiano costava nei supermercati tedeschi meno di mezzo litro di birra bavarese.
L’Europa si appresta ad affrontare contemporaneamente anche una rivoluzione culturale. Come si ricorderà la nascita dell’euro ha rappresentato il compromesso perfetto tra la Germania, che rinunciava al marco, ed il resto dei membri Ue, che temevano per la riunione tedesca. Ci volle un decennio per far quadrare il cerchio e partire con la moneta unica, che è stato soprattutto un evento politico. Dal 2002 la Bce, con sede giustamente a Francoforte, ha seguito fedelmente linee guida simili a quelle che avevano ispirato l’azione della Banca centrale tedesca per tutto il dopoguerra. Ossia lotta all’inflazione e moneta forte. Gli incubi iperinflattivi dei tempi della repubblica di Weimar rimangono ben presenti nei tedeschi di oggi. Ma ora quel tipo di scelta assai rigido non sembra più rispondere alle esigenze dei tempi.
Se si vogliono “fare gli europei” i tedeschi dovranno per necessità diventare più flessibili, mentre gli italiani più quadrati (maggiormente rispettosi delle leggi) e i francesi meno arroganti. Altrimenti il rischio è che ognuno vada per conto suo e subisca in futuro la globalizzazione dei colossi asiatici ed americani.
Giuseppe D’Amato
«…«Смотрю целыми днями иностранные телеканалы. Много чего непонятно»,- исповедуется мне московский эксперт по энергетике… Поставлю себе сложную цель – великим и могучим русским языком описать путанную ситуацию…
Проект единой валюты родился с падением Берлинской стены как компромисс. Европейцы убрали все препятствия для немецкого воссоединения, а Германия отказалась от марки. 17 из 27 государств-членов ЕС создали еврозону, отказались от части своего суверенитета и делегировали стратегические финансовые функции ЦБ во Франкфурте и Еврогруппе (собранию 17 министров экономики стран-членов зоны евро).
А что происходит у нас сейчас? Ответ прост: строится Европа XXI века. Наверное, в странах, где царит вертикальная власть, этот момент не совсем понятен. У нас нет правящего государя, а есть лидеры, которые стараются договориться и найти удобный всем компромисс. Это очень трудное дело, особенно во время кризиса, когда необходимо спешить. Европейские лидеры на уровне сообщества знают, какие меры (непопулярные) нужно применять, но тормозят из-за внутренних национальных расчетов.
Но деваться некуда. Государствам еврозоны придется скоро отдать еще часть своего суверенитета Евросоюзу. Первые экономические шаги: единая налоговая политика, еврооблигации и политическое разделение новых долгов…
Европейский кризис, который, видимо, будет длиться долго, состоит из трех разных взаимосвязанных точек и разыгрывается на двух полях (то есть на континентальном и национальном уровнях). Общая цель ЕС – не спровоцировать «эффект домино», а цель каждого члена – заплатить поменьше…
Из-за европейских событий внимание к настоящему больному, то есть к США, где начался мировой кризис, снизилось. И, наверное, это к лучшему. Ведь рассуждая об этих вещах, важно смотреть на цифры, чтобы понять вес стран в мировой экономике. ВВП Европы – 16,2 триллионов долларов, США – 14,6, Италии – 2,1, стран БРИКС – 11,3 (правда, без Китая только 5,4, то есть примерно как ВВП Японии), Греции – около 330 миллиардов. Экономика России, у которой есть опасные структурные недостатки в виде зависимости от экспорта энергоресурсов, сравнима с экономикой штата Техас. Шесть стран Большой Семерки вместе взятые еле-еле обгоняют ВВП США. А там скоро выборы, и курс евро-доллар пока будет стабилен, иначе Америке грозит массовое закрытие производств…
Но вернемся к России, для которой этот кризис представляется большим риском, несмотря на солидные валютные резервы. Можно задать один вопрос, на который пока никто официально не ответил: почему идет столь масштабное бегство капитала из страны, что подтверждает Банк России? Ответа на него я давать не буду, предположу лишь, что первыми, кто не уверены в будущем своей страны, являются сами россияне.
Далее. Если России не хочется играть в пользу Китая (вам не достаточно истории с ценой газа для Пекина?), то вашим властям не надо вводить людей в заблуждение. Рецепт исцеления мировой экономики — вовсе не в БРИКСе, который скоро начнет страдать от затяжных невысоких темпов роста Европы и США и, не дай Бог, от рецессии. Во всяком случае, это очень похоже на идею лечить аспирином сломанную шею.
Нет, понадобятся согласованные общемировые решения. Такие, например, как ограничение возможностей для спекуляции, которая способна разрушить экономики здоровых государств, и наведения порядка в отношениях с Пекином. Но в Каннах, на Большой двадцатке, об этом почему-то не говорили.
И последнее. Вызывают тревогу новости о грядущем нападении на Иран. В 2008 году уже была попытка скрыть ужасы Уолл-стрита за ширмой конфликта в Южной Осетии. А историки подтверждают, что США ушли от депрессии 30-х годов только после Второй мировой войны».
Статья Джузеппе Д’Амато Московский Комсомолец № 25795 от 12 ноября 2011 г. Giuseppe D’Amato Moskovskij Komsomolets.
The need for economic growth, the demographic changes, and the preparation for entering into the eurozone are the top three priorities for Poland in the next four years according to President Bronislaw Komorowski. The head of State gave a speech at the new Parliament lower house Sejm’s inaugural meeting.
The first challenge is to “improve state’s functioning,” Komorowski said, underlining that in times difficult for Europe “only courageous and wise actions will allow Poland to continue stable economic growth.”
Poland must pay attention to growing life expectancy, and low total fertility rate. “The forecasts give a reason to worry and require a deep analysis,” he highlighted. The necessary steps should include “public debate about gradual increase of retirement age” to assure decent pension benefits, “support for responsible parenting” and completing the healthcare system reform.
The third challenge is the crisis in Europe. Poland should “reach the readiness to adhere to the eurozone,” Komorowski said. “It is about awareness that this is the way leading to further development.” Clearly the condition is to contain the current crisis,” the President observed. “Without membership Poland will be deprived of a chance to play a role in the world, adequate to our aspirations.”
The prospect of Polish adoption of the euro became “clearer” after last summit of European leaders in Brussels. Polish central bank Governor Marek Belka is sure of it “even if we don’t want to name an entry date immediately.” The euro-area is moving toward closer political union, and Poland will “one day enter a new, different eurozone that carries the traits of a federation more than it does today,” said the Governor.
But a new poll finds that opinion continues to turn against adopting the single European currency. Fifty three percent of respondents told the OBOP pollsters that accession to the eurozone will be unfavourable for Poland.
Sixty five percent think that adopting the euro will have a negative impact on their household and 49 percent said they thought the single currency would have a negative effect on the economy. Only 22 percent thought the euro would be positive for the economy, 11 percent that it would have no effect and 18 percent answered “don’t know”. In 2007 the government said that they aimed to join the eurozone by 2012, but the finance crisis and debt levels forced to delay the plans.
Full Interview – Der Spiegel –
“Over the last 7 years (2007-13) only through the EU Cohesion Funds (the biggest in the EU’s regional assistance) the member states are supposed to receive about € 350bn attributed to more than 450 national and regional projects in the 27 member states. 
For example, in the Baltic States, Latvia will get € 4,6bn, Lithuania – € 6,9bn and Estonia – € 3,4bn; just to compare, Poland has got already € 67bn of the EU development grants since it joined the EU in 2004…
Over the next 18 months, the EU-27 governments will decide on the block’s next “financial programming” for 2014-20 with a total expenditures at the level of 1 trillion Euros… According to the Commission’s proposal published at the end of June 2011, the spending figures are the following (out of total € 1,025bn for the whole 2014-20 period) in %:
Economic growth & cohesion – 48;
Common agricultural policy – 27,5;
Other natural resources spending – 10;
Global action – 6,8;
Administration – 6,1;
Security & citizenship – 1,8.
Main contributors to the EU budget are known well: Germany, France, Italy, Sweden, the Netherlands, the UK and Denmark, which “donate” the lion share of the EU-27 budget. The main recipients are well known too: Poland, Greece, Belgium, Hungary, Portugal and the three Baltic States, though in much less degree…
The new EU member states from Eastern Europe are afraid that “milking the EU budget” through cohesion funds would come to an end. The Commission authorities argued that these worries were groundless: in the budget proposal the cohesion funds equal 37 per cent of the total budget (which is actually 2 per cent more that in the previous budget term).
However, some say, there are some grounds for assistance’s reduction, e.g. in the cohesion fund a new line of expenses is envisages, so–called “connectivity fund” of about € 40bn aimed to build cross-border infrastructure projects. In fact, these projects include high-speed railways and pipeline connections which might be of a primary benefit for the rich member states.
Besides some proposed changes in the eligibility rules for various EU funds would make in more difficult for poorer states to get financial support.
According to a Polish study, wealthy states can benefit from cohesion funds for the Eastern members: each euro in cohesion financing in Poland gives 36 cents to the richer states in the form of additional demand for goods and services. (Financial Times, 22 August 2011, p.5)…”
Article – Eugene Eteris – The Baltic Course.
“For several years now the world has lived in the shadow of the recession. Indeed, for some member states of the European Union, the financial crisis still looms large, and it is consequently affecting the eurozone as a whole. But although the recession hit hard, it highlighted Europe’s ability to react to serious problems in an effective way…
Having only acceded to the eurozone this year, the government of Estonia is frequently asked whether we regret our decision to adopt the euro at a time when we have to support countries for whose problems we are entirely blameless. The answer I give has always been, and will always be, the same: the euro is of enormous benefit to Estonia in any event, which is why we view our transition to the single currency as such an achievement.
At the same time, being part of the eurozone means that we have to meet all of the obligations that this entails. It is a question of solidarity, which is one of the cornerstones of the EU. We do not know when we may need the help and support of others; providing it is a moral duty. Moreover, it means that a crisis situation in one member state of the eurozone is far from being just that country’s problem: in a common market, one nation’s concerns are shared by everybody.
Of course, we should not forget that every country is still primarily responsible for its own economy and finances, which is why the loans from the support funds are issued on such strict conditions. Measures designed to promote growth will only work once a country has put its finances in order: public services cannot be provided using borrowed money, and doing so is neither sustainable nor morally justifiable. Consequently, this financial support, coupled with decisive action on the part of governments, will ensure the desired results and emergence from the crisis…
In Estonia we did not only keep our revenues and expenditures in balance, but were guided by the principle that its pays to boost your financial reserves when the general economic situation allows you to do so. Although there were recommendations to increase the level of public debt, the Estonian government decided against this and also did not use its reserves for a kind of ‘economic doping’. If we had done so, we would not only have to repay loans, but would also be accruing substantial amounts of interest – happily we are now able to invest that money in new economic growth.
On average, the EU spends 3 per cent of its gross domestic product every year paying interest on loans; in Estonia, however, we only pay 0.2 per cent, whilst also earning more from the placement of our reserves than we pay in interest overall. Furthermore, Estonia has the lowest public sector debt in the EU, which stands at 6.6 per cent of GDP.
Hopefully we will soon be speaking of the financial crisis in the past tense, enabling us to focus our efforts on the other challenges facing the EU. It seems strange, for instance, that we have yet to fully develop the internal market that forms the basis of our economic growth and wellbeing. For Estonia, the development of the internal market means, first and foremost, its adaptation to the demands of the digital age. Business operators and ordinary citizens alike must be able to carry out processes via electronic channels with other countries as easily as they are able to do so in their own nation. If this does not happen, there is no point to the term internal market in the context of the EU.
Estonia, however, has good reason to be satisfied with the e-services it provides… Estonian citizens have come to take the likes of the e-Tax and Customs Board and e-elections for granted, not to mention the other services that reduce bureaucracy and make their lives much simpler.
The Arab spring, meanwhile, has brought another serious problem to the attention of the EU this year: illegal immigrants and refugees. To some extent this has tested the very principles on which the EU is based: the debates that ignited earlier in the year about reinforcing the Schengen zone included proposals regarding the temporary closure of borders. The reinforcement of the Schengen zone is not about restoring national borders, but restoring trust. Doing so depends on us acting together – it is important that all member states fulfil their obligations on an equal footing and help those having difficulty meeting theirs.
Reinstating national borders is something we can and should only consider under exceptional circumstances. It must be the last resort in a situation where requirements are not being met and there are no signs of improvement. Even then a collective decision would be needed. Understanding and compassion must be shown to refugees, who are seeking security and a sense of certainty – positive assurances that the EU offers to its own citizens. Over the decades the EU has grown into an area of great stability that no crisis has yet managed to destroy.
The bigger this area of stability is, the better for the EU as a whole. It is for this reason that Estonia is one of the countries that supports, in principle, the continued expansion of the EU, since this will underpin peace and stability in Europe. As such, we must keep our door open to those who share our values and who are willing to work hard to meet the conditions of accession.”
Andrus Ansip, Prime Minister of Estonia. Complete Article In PublicServiceEurope
La Polonia continua nel suo corso liberale – riformista. Questo l’esito delle insidiose legislative, assolutamente non così scontate come potrebbe sembrare. Per la prima volta dal crollo del Muro di Berlino un partito ottiene un secondo mandato consecutivo. A Varsavia si è forse trovato il giusto equilibrio tra stabilità e sviluppo. E la notizia non può che far piacere all’intera Europa.

Donald Tusk ed il ministro Sikorski
Sono stati definitivamente sconfitti i fantasmi passati e più recenti. Con l’adesione all’Unione europea nel 2004 è entrato nei libri di storia il secolare penalizzante scenario di un Paese geostrategicamente schiacciato tra Russia e Germania. Gli ultimi tentativi in campagna elettorale di risvegliare i vetusti incubi sopiti nell’animo della nazione polacca non hanno prodotto risultati.
Varsavia è ormai pienamente dentro al processo di integrazione continentale. I suoi sostenitori sono in netta maggioranza. Sebbene Washington e gli Stati Uniti continuino ad essere per lei un punto di riferimento e di ispirazione il primato d’oltreoceano è ora messo in seria discussione da Bruxelles.
Neanche il premier Donald Tusk si aspettava una vittoria così. La sua espressione di entusiasmo nell’apprendere gli exit polls ne è la prova. L’ex dissidente liberale di Danzica ha evitato uno dei tanti colpi di coda così frequenti nella storia del Paese. Nelle ultime settimane i conservatori capeggiati dall’euroscettico Jaroslaw Kaczynski si erano tremendamente avvicinati, fermandosi al 30%.
La Polonia è oggi divisa in due, tra chi gode del boom economico e chi ne è rimasto fuori. Tusk ha, però, vinto perché ha collezionato una serie di successi. Ad esempio la Polonia è l’unico Stato Ue a non essere caduto in recessione nel 2009 anche grazie ai copiosi fondi strutturali europei (elargiti anche come ricompensa per l’abbandono del Paese nelle mani sovietiche dopo la fine della guerra) ed agli investimenti stranieri, soprattutto statunitensi.
La grande sorpresa di queste elezioni è rappresentata dall’incredibile avanzata nella cattolicissima Polonia della lista “anticlericale” dell’imprenditore Janusz Palikot, che si batterà per i diritti dei gay e la liberalizzazione della marijuana. In caduta libera sono, invece, gli ex comunisti, ora socialdemocratici, di SLD.
Inizia adesso per Tusk un nuovo mandato, più complicato del primo, soprattutto per la crisi economica internazionale. Oltre al rischio tipico di sedersi sugli allori, si devono gestire al meglio la trattativa in corso sul budget Ue 2014-2020 (a Varsavia dovrebbero andare 81 miliardi, nel precedente 67), l’importantissima vetrina dei campionati europei di calcio nel 2012 ed una maggiore liberalizzazione dell’economia. Vincere queste sfide, non dimenticandosi delle ampie differenze interne, garantirà alla Polonia un futuro di prosperità.
Giuseppe D’Amato
Tusk contro Kaczynski. Il liberale contro l’ultra conservatore. Il moderno filo-occidentale, attualmente leader semestrale di turno dell’Unione europea, contro l’euroscettico, che critica pesantemente i nemici storici tedeschi e russi.
I polacchi, che appaiono sempre più divisi tra coloro che godono del boom economico di questi anni e chi invece si è ulteriormente impoverito, scelgono tra due visioni opposte. Non è un caso che il premier Donald Tusk abbia chiuso la sua campagna elettorale incontrando a Varsavia migliaia di ragazzi nel rinnovato stadio nazionale, simbolo della Polonia post comunista e fiore all’occhiello di Euro 2012. Jaroslaw Kaczynski, al contrario, ha preferito partecipare ad un pranzo tradizionale in provincia, ospite di una semplice famiglia. Città contro campagne, dunque. Giovani contro generazioni più mature.
Venerdì sera colpiva il visitatore straniero osservare il contrasto tra una decina di anziani con le candele in mano raccolti in preghiera davanti al palazzo presidenziale in ricordo dei morti della tragedia aerea di Smolensk dell’aprile 2010, mentre tutto intorno bar e ristoranti, pieni all’inverosimile di persone mezze ubriache appartenenti alla classe media, sparavano musica a tutto volume.
In queste tese settimane Tusk ha parlato di economia, di riforma delle pensioni, di controllo del deficit di bilancio e del debito (addirittura il 55% del Pil!). Il Paese, che sta gestendo le trattative per il bilancio continentale UE 2014-2020, è prossimo a nuove privatizzazioni ed alla costruzione di altre infrastrutture, finanziate sempre con i fondi europei (67 miliardi di euro nel precedente bilancio UE, forse 81 nel prossimo). Durante il suo premierato gli stipendi medi sono aumentati del 18%, la Polonia cresce da un decennio al ritmo del 3% ed è l’unico Stato Ue a non essere caduto in recessione nel 2009.
Jaroslaw Kaczynski, che non ha perso la sua bellicosità dopo la tragica morte del fratello-gemello presidente Lech a Smolensk, ha ribattuto punto su punto, aiutato dai candidati del suo partito Legge e Giustizia. Non ha, però, mancato di risvegliare i vecchi fantasmi, affermando che la Merkel è diventata cancelliera anche grazie alla Stasi, i servizi segreti della DDR.
L’ago della bilancia della partita potrebbero essere gli altri contendenti. Solo 5 formazioni – affermano sondaggi contrastanti – dovrebbero superare la barriera del 5%, per avere una rappresentanza parlamentare. Molto dipenderà dal tasso di affluenza alle urne e dalla performance di PSL, alleato di coalizione di Piattaforma civica di Tusk, mentre sorprende la forza della Lista “anticlericale” di Janusz Palikot a scapito dei socialdemocratici di SLD.
Se Piattaforma civica vincerà sarà il primo partito dal 1989 ad ottenere due mandati consecutivi. La paura della classe media nazionale e della Commissione europea è, però, che inizi un periodo di instabilità politica anche in Polonia. Un altro mal di pancia per Barroso e company non ci vorrebbe proprio!
Giuseppe D’Amato
We are a group of long experienced European journalists and intellectuals interested in international politics and culture. We would like to exchange our opinion on new Europe and Russia.