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For the first time in the history of modern Russian Army Forces a training for priests and military officials has been organized. The event takes place in the southern city of Rostov-on-Don and it is attended by army chaplains, who have already started working with troops, and by military officials of the Department for relationship with religious soldiers. The main issue of the meeting is to collect requirements and recommendations for dealing with religious people in the Army.
On July 21, 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev supported the initiative of the leaders of the major Russian religious communities to recreate the institution of military clergy abolished in 1918. According to the following approved program in the Russian Army there will be 240 staff positions of priests and nine civilian positions to coordinate chaplains’ activity. Since the beginning of 2011 the Black Sea Fleet and the Russian military bases in the republics of Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Armenia have their own religious personnel.


The prospect of Polish adoption of the euro became “clearer” after last summit of European leaders in Brussels. Polish central bank Governor Marek Belka is sure of it “even if we don’t want to name an entry date immediately.” The euro-area is moving toward closer political union, and Poland will “one day enter a new, different eurozone that carries the traits of a federation more than it does today,” said the Governor.
But a new poll finds that opinion continues to turn against adopting the single European currency.  Fifty three percent of respondents told the OBOP pollsters that accession to the eurozone will be unfavourable for Poland.
Sixty five percent think that adopting the euro will have a negative impact on their household and 49 percent said they thought the single currency would have a negative effect on the economy. Only 22 percent thought the euro would be positive for the economy, 11 percent that it would have no effect and 18 percent answered “don’t know”. In 2007 the government said that they aimed to join the eurozone by 2012, but the finance crisis and debt levels forced to delay the plans.

Full Interview – Der Spiegel –


“In Belarus, the nominal average monthly salary in January-September amounted to Br1.72 million, including for September – Br2.26 million (13.4% or Br267.8 thousand more than in August). This was reported by the National Statistics Committee. However, when Br1.72 million was equal to $570.48 at the rate of the National Bank on February 1, then on October 1 it made only Br304.96.
 As for the rate of the extra session on the Belarussian Currency and Stock Exchange (BCSE), the above sum was only $225.43 on September 30. With regard to the size of the September salary at the rate of the National Bank, it was equal to $400.71 on October 1, while at the rate of the BCSE on September 30 – $296.2.
 Real wages in rubles (adjusted to the growth of consumer prices of goods and services) for the first nine months of the year grew by 8.2%, while in September it fell by 0.2% compared with August.
 Gross average salary of civil servants amounted to Br2.28 million in September, while in August – Br2.01 million.
 According to statistics, the average September salary in the industry amounted to Br2.54 million, in construction – Br2.38 million, transport and communications – Br2.32 million, agriculture, forestry and hunting – Br1.54 million, education – Br1.93 million (teachers – Br2.14 million, the faculty – Br2.76 million).
 Average earnings of medical and social workers made Br2.05 million. Health staff received an average of Br2.08 million, doctors – Br2.98 million, the nursing staff – Br2.02 million.
 As Telegraf previously reported, followed by the BCSE extra session, held on September 14, the average salary decreased by $135 per day in the country.”
source: Telegraf.by


 “Over the last 7 years (2007-13) only through the EU Cohesion Funds (the biggest in the EU’s regional assistance) the member states are supposed to receive about € 350bn attributed to more than 450 national and regional projects in the 27 member states.
 For example, in the Baltic States, Latvia will get € 4,6bn, Lithuania – € 6,9bn and Estonia – € 3,4bn; just to compare, Poland has got already € 67bn of the EU development grants since it joined the EU in 2004…
 Over the next 18 months, the EU-27 governments will decide on the block’s next “financial programming” for 2014-20 with a total expenditures at the level of 1 trillion Euros… According to the Commission’s proposal published at the end of June 2011, the spending figures are the following (out of total € 1,025bn for the whole 2014-20 period) in %:

 

Economic growth & cohesion – 48;
Common agricultural policy – 27,5;
Other natural resources spending – 10;
Global action – 6,8;
Administration – 6,1;
Security & citizenship – 1,8. 

 Main contributors to the EU budget are known well: Germany, France, Italy, Sweden, the Netherlands, the UK and Denmark, which “donate” the lion share of the EU-27 budget. The main recipients are well known too: Poland, Greece, Belgium, Hungary, Portugal and the three Baltic States, though in much less degree…
 The new EU member states from Eastern Europe are afraid that “milking the EU budget” through cohesion funds would come to an end. The Commission authorities argued that these worries were groundless: in the budget proposal the cohesion funds equal 37 per cent of the total budget (which is actually 2 per cent more that in the previous budget term).
 However, some say, there are some grounds for assistance’s reduction, e.g. in the cohesion fund a new line of expenses is envisages, so–called “connectivity fund” of about € 40bn aimed to build cross-border infrastructure projects. In fact, these projects include high-speed railways and pipeline connections which might be of a primary benefit for the rich member states.
 Besides some proposed changes in the eligibility rules for various EU funds would make in more difficult for poorer states to get financial support.
 According to a Polish study, wealthy states can benefit from cohesion funds for the Eastern members: each euro in cohesion financing in Poland gives 36 cents to the richer states in the form of additional demand for goods and services. (Financial Times, 22 August 2011, p.5)…”

Article – Eugene Eteris – The Baltic Course.


 Russian concern about growing Chinese influence in the former Soviet Union and particularly Central Asia is increasing. Putin’s desire to form a new Eurasian Union is an effort by Moscow  to reassert authority over its old dominions.
 The core of  Kremlin’s concerns is the slow but steady progress of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization — China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan. In the last 10 years the S.C.O. has evolved into something different from what it was created. Now it is honing in on regional development.
 Russia feels  like a junior partner in the S.C.O. Using its money, China has secured energy contracts, and infrastructure. Beijing  has also established Confucius Institutes to teach Chinese in all the Central Asian states. Growing numbers of Central Asian students can be found at Chinese Universities.

 Article – Raffaello Pantucci, Alexandros Petersen – New York Times


October 21st – 22nd, 2011 – Hotel della Città et della Ville, Garzanti Hall, Corso della Repubblica 117, Forlì 
In collaboration with: The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for the Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries; Master MIREES; Punto Europa; Associazione Italiana degli Slavisti And with the support of: Fondazione Garzanti ONLUS – Forlì; Camera di Commercio Industria ed Artigianato della Provincia di Forlì-Cesena, Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

Friday, October 21st, 9:30-13.00 
1st Session: Leading Russia to the Future

 Welcome Address
Patrick Leech, City Councillor of Forlì for Culture and International Relations
Chair Ilya Roytman, President, The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries, Moscow.
Speakers
Problems and Perspectives of the next Russian Presidential Elections
Oxana Gaman-Golutvina, Russian Political Science Association, Moscow
The Approaches of Putin and Medvedev towards Modernization and Russian Society’s Reaction 
Elena Shestopal, Moscow State University
Russian and EU Relations: A Common Neighborhood?
Paolo Calzini, JohnsHopkins University, Bologna Center
Ru
ssia’s Modernization, What Role does the Church Play?
Nicolai Petro, Universityof Rhode Island Kingston 
Education and Universities: Collaboration in the Humanities
Marcello Garzaniti, University of Firenze 

Discussants
Denis Alekseev, International Foundation for the Unity of Orthodox Christian Nations, Moscow
Irina Esipova, Adviser to the Minister of Energy of Russia, Moscow

Discussion

Friday, October 21st, 15.00-19.00
2nd Session: Politics and Economics under Stress

Chair
Stefano Garzonio, University of Pisa
Speakers
Actual Problems of Improving Security for the Purposes of Russia’s Economic Modernization
Sergey Sudakov, MGIMO-University, Moscow
Facing Today’s Economic Challenges: Is There Room for Sustainable Development in Russia?
Gianpaolo Caselli, Universityof Modena
The Crisis of the Euro in Relations between Europe and Russia
Hartmut Lehmann, University of Bologna 
Russia‘s Modernization: an Opportunity for Combining Western and Eastern Foreign Policy Vectors?
Tomislava Penkova, ISPI, Milano
Importing Modernization from Outside? The Place of Europe
Serena Giusti, ISPI, Milano

Discussants
Domenico Mario Nuti, University of Rome “La Sapienza”
Dmitri Golovanov, Department of Legal Support Ministry of Regional Development of the Russian Federation 

Discussion

 Saturday, October 22nd, 9.30-13.00
3rd session:  The New Claims of Culture in a Globalized World

Chair 
Speakers
Influence of Globalization on Social Human Rights in Russia
Darya Boklan, RussianAcademy for Foreign Trade, Moscow
Russia and the West in a Globalizing Perspective
Robert Craig Nation, US Army War College, Carlisle 
Modernization, Democracy and Russian-Ukraine Relations
Vladimir Paniotto, NationalUniversity of Kyiv-Mohyla Academy
EU and Russia vs. Shifting Middle Eastern Geopolitics
Albert Bininashvili, Columbia University, New York
The Afghanistan Question and the Western-Russian Reset in Relations
Dick Krickus, University of MaryWashington
The Current Situation in the Middle East: Russian and European Visions
Ilya Roytman, President, The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries, Moscow
Discussant
Gleb Cherkasov, Kommersant Newspaper, Russia
Discussion
Discussants and contributors 
Sara Barbieri,University of Bologna
Simona Berardi, University of Bologna
Jean Blondel, European University Institute, Florence
Liudmila Buglakova, University of Bologna
Alberto Chilosi, University of Pisa
Artūras Gailiūnas, Minister CounsellorPermanent Mission of Lithuania in Geneva
Guido Franzinetti, Universityof Eastern Piedmont
Olga Kalinkina, The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries, Moscow
Natalia Levykina, The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries, Moscow
Yulia Muzyka, The Interregional Non-Governmental Organisation for Promotion of Cultural Cooperation with EU Countries, Moscow
Mara Morini, University of Parma
Giuseppe Motta, University of Rome “La Sapienza”
Elvira Oliva, PECOB
Fernando Orlandi, CSSEO, Levico Terme
Andrea Panaccione, UNIMORE, Modena
Armando Pitassio, University of Perugia
Predrag Šimić, Universityof Belgrade
Paolo Sorbello, PECOB 

 


“For several years now the world has lived in the shadow of the recession. Indeed, for some member states of the European Union, the financial crisis still looms large, and it is consequently affecting the eurozone as a whole. But although the recession hit hard, it highlighted Europe’s ability to react to serious problems in an effective way
 Having only acceded to the eurozone this year, the government of Estonia is frequently asked whether we regret our decision to adopt the euro at a time when we have to support countries for whose problems we are entirely blameless. The answer I give has always been, and will always be, the same: the euro is of enormous benefit to Estonia in any event, which is why we view our transition to the single currency as such an achievement.
 At the same time, being part of the eurozone means that we have to meet all of the obligations that this entails. It is a question of solidarity, which is one of the cornerstones of the EU. We do not know when we may need the help and support of others; providing it is a moral duty. Moreover, it means that a crisis situation in one member state of the eurozone is far from being just that country’s problem: in a common market, one nation’s concerns are shared by everybody.
 Of course, we should not forget that every country is still primarily responsible for its own economy and finances, which is why the loans from the support funds are issued on such strict conditions. Measures designed to promote growth will only work once a country has put its finances in order: public services cannot be provided using borrowed money, and doing so is neither sustainable nor morally justifiable. Consequently, this financial support, coupled with decisive action on the part of governments, will ensure the desired results and emergence from the crisis
 In Estonia we did not only keep our revenues and expenditures in balance, but were guided by the principle that its pays to boost your financial reserves when the general economic situation allows you to do so. Although there were recommendations to increase the level of public debt, the Estonian government decided against this and also did not use its reserves for a kind of ‘economic doping’. If we had done so, we would not only have to repay loans, but would also be accruing substantial amounts of interest – happily we are now able to invest that money in new economic growth.
 On average, the EU spends 3 per cent of its gross domestic product every year paying interest on loans; in Estonia, however, we only pay 0.2 per cent, whilst also earning more from the placement of our reserves than we pay in interest overall. Furthermore, Estonia has the lowest public sector debt in the EU, which stands at 6.6 per cent of GDP.
Hopefully we will soon be speaking of the financial crisis in the past tense, enabling us to focus our efforts on the other challenges facing the EU. It seems strange, for instance, that we have yet to fully develop the internal market that forms the basis of our economic growth and wellbeing. For Estonia, the development of the internal market means, first and foremost, its adaptation to the demands of the digital age. Business operators and ordinary citizens alike must be able to carry out processes via electronic channels with other countries as easily as they are able to do so in their own nation. If this does not happen, there is no point to the term internal market in the context of the EU.
 Estonia, however, has good reason to be satisfied with the e-services it provides Estonian citizens have come to take the likes of the e-Tax and Customs Board and e-elections for granted, not to mention the other services that reduce bureaucracy and make their lives much simpler.
 The Arab spring, meanwhile, has brought another serious problem to the attention of the EU this year: illegal immigrants and refugees. To some extent this has tested the very principles on which the EU is based: the debates that ignited earlier in the year about reinforcing the Schengen zone included proposals regarding the temporary closure of borders. The reinforcement of the Schengen zone is not about restoring national borders, but restoring trust. Doing so depends on us acting together – it is important that all member states fulfil their obligations on an equal footing and help those having difficulty meeting theirs.
 Reinstating national borders is something we can and should only consider under exceptional circumstances. It must be the last resort in a situation where requirements are not being met and there are no signs of improvement. Even then a collective decision would be needed. Understanding and compassion must be shown to refugees, who are seeking security and a sense of certainty – positive assurances that the EU offers to its own citizens. Over the decades the EU has grown into an area of great stability that no crisis has yet managed to destroy.
 The bigger this area of stability is, the better for the EU as a whole. It is for this reason that Estonia is one of the countries that supports, in principle, the continued expansion of the EU, since this will underpin peace and stability in Europe. As such, we must keep our door open to those who share our values and who are willing to work hard to meet the conditions of accession.”

Andrus Ansip, Prime Minister of Estonia.  Complete Article In PublicServiceEurope


 A new statue of the Pope John Paul II was unveiled in Moscow on Friday. “This is an extraordinary gesture by the Russian authorities for all Christians living in Russia,” Fr Jozef Zaniewski, rector of Moscow Cathedral of the Immaculate Conception, said. “John Paul II loved Russia and wanted to come here, but he was not able to do it during his lifetime,” Zaniewski continued.
 Located in the backyard of the Library of Foreign Literature, the monument was created by Ukrainian sculptor Alexander Vasyatkin and Russian artists Ilya and Nikita Feklin. The decision to unveil it comes after John Paul’s former secretary, Cardinal Stanislaw Dziwisz, donated an ampoule of the Pope’s blood to the cathedral.
 The presentation ceremony of the Polish Pope’s statue took place on the day of the 33rd anniversary of the beginning of the conclave, which saw Cardinal Karol Wojtyla elected as pope two days later.


SUMMARY POINTS  

        (1)    Real sector performance improved in August despite a more challenging external environment.

        (2)    Industrial production growth accelerated to 8.9% yoy, benefiting from stronger domestic demand.

        (3)    Ukraine may have the second largest harvest this year; however, due to grain export duties and a good harvest in neighboring countries, Ukraine’s grain export potential remains untapped.

        (4)    State budget deficit amounted to UAH 8.6 billion, or 0.8% of full-year forecast GDP. However, due to higher Naftogaz imbalances, the broad fiscal deficit is projected to reach 4% of GDP in 2011.

        (5)    The government amended the pension law in September and developed a draft 2012 budget law, targeting a general government sector deficit of 2.5% of GDP. However, the IMF is unlikely  to restore financing without an increase in natural gas tariffs to the population.

        (6)    Thanks to a generous harvest, consumer inflation eased to 8.9% in August but is likely to speed up to about 10-11% yoy at the end of the year.

        (7)    High volatility on international financial markets, worse economic growth prospects and vulnerability of the Ukrainian economy to external shocks caused Hryvnia depreciation pressures to  intensify in August-September.

        (8)    The National Bank of Ukraine is following a tight monetary policy to both reduce inflationary pressures and maintain Hryvnia stability.

        (9)    The current account gap widened to $3.3 billion over January-August, or 2% of full-year GDP, and is projected to reach 4.5% of GDP in 2011.

        (10)  Ukraine’s external debt financing needs remain high. From July 2011 to June 2012, Ukraine has to repay more than $53 billion.

        (11)  With the current level of international reserves at $38 billion and assuming there is no major external shock, Ukraine’s foreign currency needs look manageable. However, as external risks are high, restoration of cooperation with the IMF looks crucial to reduce Ukraine’s vulnerabilities

ANALYTICAL REPORT: by Olga Pogarska, Edilberto L. Segura

SigmaBleyzer Private Equity Investment Firm & The Bleyzer Foundation (TBF), Kyiv, Ukraine

U.S.-Ukraine Business Council (USUBC)


Parties 2007 2011
Piattaforma civica – Civic Platform – PO 41,5% – 209 seats 39,6%
Legge e Giustizia – Law and Justice – PiS 32,1% – 166 seats 30,1%
Lista Palikot – Palikot’s movement

Non partecipò – Did not stand

10,1%

Socialdemocratici – Democratic Left A. – SLD 13,2% – 53 seats 7,7%
PSL Polish People party 8,9% – 31 seats 8,2%
PJN – Poland comes first

Non partecipò – Did not stand

2% 

                                                                            TVP – TVN24 Warsaw 21h.

Affluenza alle urne 2011 – 48,92%
Turnout in 2011 – 48,92%

 Affluenza in 2007 – 53,88%
 Turnout in 2007 – 53,88%


Welcome

We are a group of long experienced European journalists and intellectuals interested in international politics and culture. We would like to exchange our opinion on new Europe and Russia.

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