Ukraine


 Российская “Транснефть” заявила, что больше не нуждается в нефтепроводах “Одесса-Броды” и “Дружба”. С 2011 года компания сможет прокачивать нефть по альтернативным направлениям за пределами Украины и Белоруссии. По его словам первого вице-президента АК “Транснефть” Михаила Арустамова, Россия активно использовала маршруты “Броды-Одесса” и “Броды-Южный”, когда у нее был недостаток экспортных мощностей. Но в результате введения в эксплуатацию трубопроводной системы “Восточная Сибирь-Тихий океан” этот дефицит резко сократился.

 СтатьяКоммерсант Украйна 11.11.2010 г.

От Коммерсанта

«Магистральный нефтепровод Одесса–Броды построен в 2001 году для транспортировки каспийской нефти. Украина в течение двух лет безуспешно пыталась договориться о транспортировке по нему каспийской нефти в прямом направлении. Не получив предложений со стороны компаний, добывающих нефть в Казахстане, Кабмин в конце июня 2004 года разрешил использовать трубопровод для транспортировки российской нефти в реверсном режиме. Мощность трубопровода составляет 9 млн т.» 

Strade dell’Est europeo insanguinate. Una giornata campale del genere non la si ricordava da tempo. In Polonia in uno scontro frontale ad una ottantina di chilometri da Varsavia 18 persone sono morte. Nella vicina Ucraina è stato addirittura proclamato il lutto nazionale in ricordo di 43 sfortunati viaggiatori, tra cui 3 bambini. I due Paesi slavi, sconfiggendo a Cardiff l’Italia nel 2007, hanno ottenuto l’organizzazione di Euro 2012 in programma tra un anno e mezzo.

La viabilità è uno dei loro più noti “talloni” d’Achille, insieme alla scarsa offerta alberghiera, tanto che l’Uefa ha intenzione di consigliare ai tifosi ospiti stranieri di utilizzare gli aerei per gli spostamenti. La Polonia ha destinato gran parte dei 67 miliardi di euro (pari ogni anno a quasi 3 punti del Pil nazionale), ottenuti dall’Ue dal bilancio comunitario 2007-2013, per l’ammodernamento della vie di comunicazione. I cantieri aperti sono numerosi (a settembre 2010 per 1.327 chilometri), la rete viaria è migliorata un pochino, ma il numero degli incidenti non tende a diminuire anche per l’imprudenza dei guidatori.

Il lavoro da compiere, però, – è necessario sottolinearlo – è immenso: nel 2007 il 3% delle vie di comunicazione polacche rispondeva agli standard continentali. Nel dicembre 2009 il Paese, esteso un po’ meno dell’Italia, poteva contare soltanto su 916 chilometri di autostrade e su 606 di superstrade.

Secondo i primi accertamenti è stata la nebbia una delle cause della tragedia di Nowe Miasto nad Pilica, oltre che all’eccessiva velocità. Un tir si è scontrato frontalmente con un autobus, pieno di passeggeri, su una carreggiata a doppio senso di marcia larga non più di 6 metri. Ma questa è la norma. Non esistono spesso per i camion percorsi alternativi. Così molte di queste strade provinciali, chiamate dai locali “dune” – poiché hanno il manto rovinato (si pattina) ed una segnaletica che lascia parecchio a desiderare – si trasformano in imbuti infernali da cui a volte non se ne esce.

Cosa pensasse di fare, invece, in Ucraina l’autista di un autobus con una cinquantina di passeggeri a bordo non è ancora chiaro. Con una manovra avventata non ha rispettato il segnale rosso di un semaforo ad un passaggio a livello incustodito ed ha invaso le rotaie, mentre transitava una locomotiva. La collisione, a Marganets – regione di Dnipropetrovsk – è stata violentissima tanto che dell’autobus di colore giallo non è rimasto quasi nulla.

The modernization process in Ukraine will take place within three areas, stated the Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine, Borys Kolesnikov. The first direction presupposes business infrastructure development in Eastern Ukraine including modernization of airports and construction of high capacity runways as well as construction of exhibition centres and conference centres up to the world standard.

The second direction will comprise the development of agriculture in Central Ukraine. The government is determined to increase the volumes of corn growing virtually twofold, up to 100 million tons per year, by means of offering economic incentives in the agricultural sector.

Finally, the third direction will cover the tourist infrastructure development in Western Ukraine and Crimea.

 Targeted modernization projects will also contribute to radical changes in the vital for the country areas, said Vladyslav Kaskiv, the Head of the Working Group for National Projects of the Committee on Economic Reforms. Their range is rather broad: from the creation of a transmission system for liquefied gas up to providing the new generation of Ukrainian schoolchildren with Internet access. Contrary to the Russian approach, the Ukrainian projects will be implemented not at the expense of the state funds but according to business models at the expense of the private investors.

 YES, Yalta, October 2nd, 2010.

Aleksander Kwasniewski, former President of Poland and the Chairman of the YES Board. “You must have a clear picture what role you want to play in this globalised and versatile world. This should change your approach and the way you view things. Globalisation is a process we are not able to stop. We are tightly intertwined with it”.

1. The choice between the West and the East is not so important for Ukraine. “Every Ukrainian president has to find balance between Russia and the EU. The complication is what kind of balance should it be, how to define and describe it”.

 2. Ukraine and Ukrainians must believe in their own strength and not to reject European prospects, because euro-integration of Ukraine is an objective demand of our time. “Ukrainians have to believe in their own power and future, because you have potential. We can discuss whether we need Turkey in EU for a long time. But at some moment we will ask the Turks to join the European Union. So, eventually the time will come when we will ask you, Ukrainians, to join the EU. we need you”.

At the same time this doesn’t calls off the need for reforms Ukraine must go through: “We have a lot of work to do. One has to solve problems and fulfill commitments. What is of great importance – you need to create civil society. You need nation’s activity, intelligent voter and intelligent electorate, which control the system and vote consciously”

 YES, Yalta, October 2nd, 2010.

7th Yalta Annual Meeting – September 30 — October 3, 2010 Livadia Palace, Yalta, Ukraine

Ukraine and the World: Re-Thinking and Moving On

 Thursday, September 30

20:30 Welcome Reception

 

Friday, October 1

09:00 — 09:30 Conference Opening
   
Welcoming remarks:
Aleksander Kwasniewski, President of Poland (1995-2005), Chairman of the Board of YES
Victor Pinchuk, Founder and Member of the Board of YES
   
Moderator:
Chrystia Freeland, Global Editor-at-Large, Reuters News

 

09:30 — 10:15 Ukraine in a Changing World
   
Viktor Yanukovych, President of Ukraine

 

10:15 — 11:00 Europe’s Future in a Time of Challenges
   
Bronislaw Komorowski, President of the Republic of Poland

 

11:30 — 12:40 The New Global Order and Its Key Players
   
Stefan Füle, European Commissioner for Enlargement and Neighborhood Policy (opening remarks)
Alexander Babakov, Deputy Speaker, State Duma of the Russian Federation
Kostyantyn Gryshchenko, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine
Javier Solana, fmr. High Representative of the EU for Common Foreign and Security Policy, Member of the Board of YES
Wang Jisi, Dean, School of International Studies, Peking University

 

12:40 — 13:00 Euro 2012 — A Chance for Business to Contribute to Ukraine’s Modernisation: Kharkiv as a Case Study
   
Alexander Yaroslavskiy, General investor and coordinator of Kharkov for Euro 2012, Owner and President of DCH, President of FC Metalist

 

14:20 — 15:30 The Crisis and Economic Re-Building
   
Alexei Kudrin, Vice Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of the Russian Federation (opening remarks)
Iryna Akimova, First Deputy Head, Administration of the President of Ukraine
Anders Aslund, Senior Fellow, Peterson Institute for International Economics
Olivier Descamps, Managing Director, Turkey, Eastern Europe, Caucasus and Central Asia, EBRD
Andrey Kostin, President, VTB Bank

 

15:30 — 16.00 What Happened to Our Economies and How To Avoid It Happening Again? (TV Link)
   
Martin Wolf, Columnist, Financial Times and Fred Bergsten, Director, Peterson Institute of International Economics

 

16:00 — 17:00 Climate Change — A Global Threat Ignored in Ukraine
   
Kofi Annan (opening speaker, via TV link)
Inger Andersen, Vice President for Sustainable Development, World Bank
Nikolai Dronin, Moscow State University
Andriy Klyuev, First Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine
Joschka Fischer, Adviser, Nabucco Project

 

17:00 — 17:30 How to Overcome the Crisis and Build Sustainable Economies (TV Link)
   
Larry Summers, Director, National Economic Council of the United States

 

20:00 — 20:45 Speech: The United States and the Global Shifts of the 21st Century
   
William J. Clinton, 42nd President of the United States

 

Saturday, October 2

09:00 — 10:00 The Global Economy and Ukraine
   
Mykola Azarov, Prime Minister of Ukraine
Dominique Strauss-Kahn, Managing Director, International Monetary Fund

 

10:30 — 11:15 Building High-Tech Economies — an Eastern Silicon Valley and Wall Street?
   
Viktor Vekselberg, Chairman, Renova Group; Coordinator, International Innovation Center “Skolkovo”
Alexander Voloshin, Head of the Working Group on Creating an International Financial Center in the Russian Federation

 

11:15 — 12:00 Modernising Ukraine — From Strategy to Implementation
   
Borys Kolesnikov, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine
Vladislav Kaskiv, Head of Working Group for National Projects, Committee on Economic Reforms
Kirill Dmitriev, President, ICON Private Equity

 

12:00 — 13:00 Ukraine: Should it Move East And/Or West?
   
Elmar Brok, MEP, Foreign Policy Spokesman of the EPP in the European Parliament
Sergei Glaziev, Secretary General, EurAsEc Customs Union Commission
Leonid Kuchma, President of Ukraine (1994-2005)
Marek Siwiec, MEP, Member of the Board of YES

 

15:00 — 16:00 The Energy Challenge
   
Yuri Boyko, Minister for Fuel and Energy of Ukraine
Leonid Grigoriev, President, Institute for Energy and Finance, Moscow
Alan Riley, Professor, City University of London

 

16:00 — 17:00 Paths to Ukraine’s Future — What Change Do We Need?
Carl Bild, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Sweden
Volodymyr Lytvyn, Speaker of the Parliament of Ukraine
Serhiy Tyhypko, Vice Prime Minister of Ukraine
Arsenyi Yatseniuk, MP, Leader of “Front of Change”

 

17:00 — 17:30 Concluding Session
   
Aleksander Kwasniewski, President of Poland (1995-2005), Chairman of the Board of YES

 

Video 1, Video 2.

Ukraine’s Constitutional Court cancelled the 2004 constitutional amendments that restricted presidential powers and turned the country into a parliamentary-presidential republic. The ruling — prompted by a petition from more than 250 pro-Yanukovych MPs in the Ukrainian parliament — overturned the 2004 changes, introduced during of the Orange Revolution, in favour of the original version of Ukraine’s 1996 Constitution. “The court has ruled that the 2004 amendments to the Ukrainian constitution were unconstitutional due to violations of constitutional procedures in their examination and adoption,” said Anatoly Golovin, the head of the court.

The 2004 changes gave lawmakers the powers to appoint key ministers like the prime minister, defence minister and foreign minister on the recommendation of the president, although other ministerial appointments are the preserve of the premier. The amendments also increased the term of parliament from four years to five.

Under the 1996 Constitution, which has again entered into force as of Oct. 1, 2010, the president is elected for five years, nominates candidates for prime minister (for parliamentary ratification) and appoints cabinet ministers, has the right to dismiss government without parliamentary approval and can cancel any government resolution. The parliament, on the other hand, is elected for four years, is not required to form a majority coalition, can dismiss the government by vote of no-confidence and can override presidential decrees by two-thirds parliamentary majority, or 300 votes.

“The Constitutional Court decision means the Constitution of 1996 has entered into force with immediate effect and we are already living in a presidential republic,” said Ihor Kolyushko, former presidential aide to ex-president Viktor Yushchenko. “This was their goal [of the presidential administration] and they seem to have achieved it.” According to Kolyushko, the Constitutional Court decision implies elections already in 2011. “According to the 1996 Constitution, which is now again in force, parliament is elected for four years, meaning there should be elections in March 2011.”

Opponents of Yanukovych say that the ruling is part of an attempt to make the country more authoritarian. “The court has discredited itself. This decision borders on an abuse of power,” said the deputy head of Yulia Tymoshenko’s parliamentary opposition faction, Olena Shustik. Yanukovych, meanwhile, called on all branches of political power to observe “the rule of law” and accept the decision. Speaking in Yalta on Friday, the president said that “Ukraine was and remains part of the common European democratic space.” The country’s leadership “will move along the path of a broader social dialogue and legitimate solutions,” Itar-Tass quoted him as saying.

The country’s “further constitutional transit” will be linked only with stronger democracy and local self-government, Yanukovich said. He also promised that human rights and freedoms would be guaranteed.

Article – BBC – October 1st, 2010

“Sevastopol belongs to Ukraine, but hardly anyone here is Ukrainian. Two rival fleets ride at anchor in its majestic harbour. Two rival flags fly from its public buildings… the city has gone from being a sort of Stalinist Sparta, austere and warlike, to a seaside Babylon of pizzerias and nightclubs…. Ukrainians force Russians to turn their back on their language and change their names”.

Article – Daily Mail (UK)

See also : Кому принадлежит Севастополь? EuropaRussia;  Ucraina-Russia. Sebastopoli alla Flotta del Mar Nero per altri 25 anni EuropaRussia.

  Vitaliy Barvinenko, Oleksandr Budzherak, Andriy Verevsky, Ihor Vorotniuk, Valeriy Hatsko, Oleh Heiman, Hennadiy Zadyrko, Valentyn Zubov, Volodymyr Ivanenko, Valeriy Kamchatny, Volodymyr Kapliyenko, Yevhen Konstantynov, Yuriy Kruk, Petro Kuzmenko, Vitaliy Kurylo, Oleh Malich, Sviatoslav Oliynyk, Hryhoriy Omelchenko, Volodymyr Pylypenko, Valeriy Pysarenko, Yuriy Poluneyev, Ihor Savchenko, Ivan Sidelnyk, Raisa Sorochynska-Kyrylenko, Mykola Traiduk, Oleksandr Feldman, Oleh Cherpitsky and Oleksandr Shepelev were expelled from the BYT  (Yulia Timoshenko) – Batkivschyna faction.

 They sided with the coalition formed by President Viktor Yanukovich.

Article – BBC – September 21st, 2010.

Sono ormai lontani i tempi in cui la bandiera cecena sventolava sicura sulla piazza del Mercato a Cracovia. La Polonia ha oggi cambiato politica verso la Russia, assecondando sia una naturale esigenza geopolitica dopo decenni di incomprensioni sia richieste sempre più pressanti da parte della sua imprenditoria. L’incidente aereo di Smolensk nello scorso aprile, in cui è scomparsa un’importante fetta dell’establishment di Varsavia, è stato la triste occasione per un avvicinamento, definito da non pochi osservatori come “storico”. Tali scelte della dirigenza liberale Komorowski-Tusk sono, però, avversati dai partiti nazional-conservatori, che gelosamente conservano i tradizionali sentimenti anti-moscoviti.

In questo quadro si sviluppa la vicenda Zavkayev. Il leader dell’ala moderata del separatismo caucasico, a cui è stato garantito dalla Gran Bretagna lo status di profugo, è stato fermato a Varsavia per un ordine d’arresto dell’Interpol su richiesta russa, mentre si apprestava ad intervenire al Congresso mondiale dei ceceni. Un Tribunale l’ha immediatamente messo in libertà e nei prossimi 40 giorni verrà deciso il daffarsi. Mosca sta preparando i documenti per l’estradizione di uno dei suoi maggiori nemici.

Zavkayev è un politico esperto e non ha di certo sottovalutato i rischi di un suo viaggio in continente. In Cecenia da tempo vige la “pax russa e la ricostruzione avanza a ritmi impressionanti. La repubblica, diretta col pugno di ferro dal clan dei Kadyrov, è uno dei soggetti che ricevono maggiori fondi dal Centro, nonostante nell’aria si respiri un’autonomia di fatto dal Cremlino. Il moderato Zavkayev sta probabilmente tentando di riaccendere i riflettori dei mass media internazionali sul suo Paese.

Il premier Tusk ha dichiarato che Varsavia considererà i “suoi interessi nazionali” nella vicenda. La sensazione è che i suoi avversari interni gli abbiano teso una trappola per silurare le recenti aperture ad Est e Zavkayev, forte del sostegno di ampi settori del Dipartimento di Stato Usa, abbia ricevuto assicurazioni da “amici” fidati in Polonia prima del viaggio d’oltremanica.

Russia ed Ucraina hanno iniziato a discutere dell’annoso problema della demarcazione definitiva delle loro frontiere. L’occasione è stato il centesimo anniversario della prima corsa automobilistica da San Pietroburgo a Kiev. I due presidenti, Medvedev e Janukovich, hanno partecipato a bordo di auto d’epoca ad una delle tappe più significative a ridosso dei confini tra le due repubbliche ex sovietiche.

Ad inizio del presente secolo si era registrati incidenti con sparatorie, soprattutto nella regione di Kerch. Adesso che la questione della base navale di Sebastopoli in Crimea è risolta fino al 2042 grazie all’accordo primaverile di Kharkiv russi ed ucraini intendono cancellare uno dei principali motivi di frizione nelle relazioni bilaterali.

Medvedev e Janukovich hanno rimandato l’agenda finanziaria ed economica al prossimo incontro di Gelenzhik. Il leader ucraino ha però affermato che “insieme” i due Paesi “costruiranno le loro economie e si completeranno l’un l’altro”. Kiev ha urgente necessità di ottenere crediti dall’estero. Gli aiuti internazionali tardano ad arrivare. Nelle scorse settimane Janukovich ha offerto ai tedeschi contratti per l’ammodernamento dello strategico “sistema del gas” nazionale. La Gazprom russa ha, invece, proposto di inglobare l’ucraina Naftogaz, ma per Kiev una tale scelta equivarrebbe a cedere una fetta di sovranità nazionale.

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