Fittissima l’agenda del vertice del gruppo di Weimar, il primo dal 2006 dopo il congelamento voluto da Lech Kaczynski. Nello splendido palazzo di Wilanow il presidente polacco Komorowski, il collega francese Sarkozy e la cancelliera tedesca Merkel si sono soprattutto confrontati sulle tematiche continentali.
“Poiché 17 Paesi hanno l’euro – ha spiegato il capo dell’Eliseo – è normale che i loro ministri delle Finanze si incontrino”. Attenzione a non creare un’Europa a due velocità, è l’invito di Varsavia.
La Polonia, ancora fuori dalla moneta unica, gestirà dal primo luglio 2011 come presidente di turno dell’Unione la complessa trattativa sul nuovo budget continentale nel periodo 2014-2021. “Stiamo ancora aspettando le proposte della Commissione”, ha annunciato Komorowski, il cui Paese ha ottenuto da Bruxelles oltre 67 miliardi di euro dal precedente bilancio. “Non abbiamo parlato dei dettagli – ha ammesso la Merkel -, ma speriamo che il negoziato sia buono”. Sarkozy ha quindi ribadito che i deficit dei singoli Stati vanno ridotti.
Il gruppo di Weimar, creato nel 1991 per promuovere la cooperazione tra i tre Paesi ed aiutare la Polonia ad integrarsi meglio in Europa dopo il comunismo, si è augurato rapporti più forti con la Russia.
«Чем дольше живу я в России, тем больше ощущаю себя нерусским… Развилась другая идентичность, которую сам я не осознавал, пока жил там. А здесь, в России, понял, что я — европеец. Или евросоюзник… Неважно, встречаю ли я в России каталонского коллегу, студента из Швеции, голландскую правозащитницу или итальянского торговца деликатесами, — сразу чувствую с ними земляческую близость. Мы понимаем друг друга, у нас есть не только общая база юмора, но и ценностей, и стереотипов. Свой менталитет. Другой, чем у русских…
Это Европа, старуха Европа, заповедник терпимости для секс-меньшинств, гастарбайтеров и велосипедистов, зона правовой и банковской безопасности, край социальных гарантий. Наша Европа умеренная, многонациональная, без комплексов неполноценности или претензий на статус самой крутой. Европа — не Америка и уж точно не Россия.
Россиянам мы в основном сочувствуем… У нас столько общего!… У каждого русского очень много своих дел, но практически нет дела общего… Как и европейцы, даже больше, русские заботятся о благе своих близких, достаточно узкого круга родственников, одноклассников, сослуживцев. Но, в отличие от европейцев, большинству русских сугубо по фигу благо их компании, общества или Родины».
Штефан Шолль Cтатья Московский Комсомолец № 25549 от 21 января 2011 г. Stefan Scholl Moskovskij Komsomolets
“Poland and Lithuania are deeply divided over the letter w. Used a lot in Polish, the letter doesn’t exist in Lithuanian. That and other spelling differences are irritating Lithuania’s Polish minority, who demand the right to spell their names in Polish in passports and other documents…in recent months other disagreements have helped escalate it to a full-blown diplomatic standoff….Similar disputes are happening elsewhere in Eastern Europe. A Slovak language law limiting the use of Hungarian and other minority languages went into effect Sept. 1, 2009, stoking political tensions between Slovakia and Hungary and garnering criticism from EU authorities.”
Article – AP Lithuania – January 14th, 2011
The dream has become reality. Estonia is now totally part of Europe after Tallinn’s adoption of the Euro. The long path, begun in the Eighties of the 20th century when the Baltic republic was enclosed forcefully in the USSR, has come to the most cheerful happy end.
After getting its independence from the Kremlin in 1991 Estonia started moving westwards away from the dominance of its mighty neighbour. In 2004 Tallinn entered the European Union and NATO. But it was not enough for the young Estonian rulers. “We are at sea in a small boat tied to an ocean liner. In a storm or otherwise, we’d feel better being on board,” explained the Estonian Minister of Finance Jürgen Ligi why his country had decided to become the 17th State to use the common currency.
And without any doubt for the Baltic state of 1.3 million inhabitants, being in the Eurozone club is preferable to uncertainty linked to its outgoing kroon currency and is seen as a way to attract further investment. “In Estonia we are also sure that the euro will support trade,” Prime Minister Andrus Ansip told Reuters, pointing to gains for ordinary people. “Now people are just wasting their money in the currency exchange, why do they have to do that?” he said.
Estonia’s debt and budget deficit are among the lowest in the Eurozone. To meet the common currency entry terms, Ansip’s centre-right government made budget deficit cuts equal to more than 9 percent of GDP. Inflation also fell as the economy contracted nearly 14 percent in 2009 after a pre-crisis boom.
The European Commission raised in its fresh autumn forecast Estonia’s economic growth forecast to 2.4% for the year 2010 and 4.4% for 2011. In 2012 the economy should grow 3.5%.
“The foreign policy goals of Estonia have been to embed itself in as many international organisations and clubs as possible, so that it will never find itself isolated or without friends ever again,” Andres Kasekamp, director of the Estonian Foreign Policy Institute said. “Membership of the Eurozone will not only boost Estonia’s economic prosperity, but will enhance security,” he added.
But there are some sceptics. “Welcome to the Euro Titanic” is their slogan. “We are joining at the worst possible time and cannot be sure the Eurozone will exist in the same form as it does now. Even in 2011 there could be very big changes or reforms,” said lawyer Anti Poolamets, who lead an anti-Euro campaign.
Confident for the euro, Russia and Europe may join single currency someday in the future. Mr. Vladimir Putin took part in the German – Russian summit in Berlin. The euro has proven itself “a stable world currency,” Russian Prime Minister said. “We have to get away from the overwhelming dollar monopoly. It makes the world economy vulnerable,” Putin added. Earlier in a letter edited by a German newspaper the former President wrote “We should be frank about it: The global economic crisis has revealed both Russia and the EU to be economically very vulnerable.” Mr. Putin suggested to create a free-trade zone.
Mrs. Angela Merkel called that a “vision for the future,” and stressed the need for close economic cooperation as a first step. “But the closer our economies are linked, the easier and the more interesting it will be to adjust also the currency policy,” the German Chancellor said. In the meantime, Mrs. Merkel added, Moscow had to conclude talks to join the W.T.O. Russia, which opened its bid to join the WTO in 1993, is the last major world power not a member of the Geneva-based global trade body.
Mr. Putin expressed criticism to the Third Energy Package. Agreed in 2009, it was designed to liberalize the EU’s energy markets by separating the production and distribution networks of large energy companies to foster more competition. The other element of the package allowed smaller energy companies access to the grids, which had been blocked by the big companies. “Our companies, together with German partners, legally acquired distribution assets in Lithuania,” Mr. Putin said. “Now they are being thrown out there with reference to the Third Energy Package. What is this then? What is this robbery?”
Europe needs a new strategy for energy. The narrow interests of national capitals prevailed too long. EU leaders will be asked to support a plan for unity at the first EU energy summit on February 2011. These are the main points in European Union Energy Commissioner Guenther Oettinger’s programme unveiled in Brussels. According to his remarks the Twenty-seven have to invest 1 trillion euros over the next decade in a shared EU energy network.
The International Energy Agency forecasted global oil supplies would peak around 2035, when oil prices would exceed $200 a barrel, kicking off a scramble for alternative energy sources. “To have an efficient, competitive and low-carbon economy, we have to Europeanize our energy policy and focus on a few, but pressing, priorities,” Oettinger said. The idea of uniting Europe’s infrastructure is not new, nor is that of liberalizing the markets for the gas and electricity that flow through it.
Article – Deutsche Welle – November 2010.
BUCHAREST, Romania – Romania and Moldova signed a border treaty Monday, almost two decades after Moldova declared independence from the Soviet Union, Associated Press writes.
Romania’s Foreign Minister Teodor Baconschi and Moldova’s Prime Minister Vlad Filat emphasized the good co-operation between the neighbours, which has resulted in a number of new agreements being adopted in the past year since a pro-European alliance came to power. Romania supports Moldova’s current government. Monday’s signing took place ahead of a general election in Moldova on Nov. 28 in which the pro-European parties face the Communists who favour closer ties to Moscow.
Romania’s President Traian Basescu said last month that the treaty will disprove claims by Moldovan Communists that Romania has territorial claims on Moldova. This was echoed by Baconschi, who said that by signing the document “we also discourage the obsessive affirmations” of some Moldovan politicians who believe Romania has claims on Moldova. The treaty deals with technical issues such as the marking of the border, usage of water, railways and roads, fishing, hunting and breaches of the border regime.
Romania has been lobbying hard for closer ties between Moldova and the European Union, of which Romania is a member. Baconschi said Romania hopes that the border with Moldova will eventually become an internal border within the European Union.
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso has welcomed the signing of a border treaty, calling it “an excellent example” of regional cooperation. Bucharest has repeatedly refused to sign a bilateral political treaty with Moldova, most of which was part of Romania before World War II.
Romania was the first country to establish diplomatic relations with Moldova after the latter declared independence from the Soviet Union in August 1991. Romania’s President Traian Basescu had repeatedly stated that Bucharest shall never sign a treaty recognizing the consequences of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact and the secret additional protocol to it. However, the delicate pre-election situation in Moldova has finally changed Romania’s official stance on this issue.
«Людям визовый режим не нужен. И стремление его убрать — самый благородный политический проект путинского правления. Ведь чем больше простых россиян общается со “старухой Европой”, тем виднее им будут определенные преимущества живой демократии. Русские дипломаты твердят, что они хоть завтра готовы визовый режим снять. Но ничего не выходит. Не выйдет и через год, и даже через три…
Ведь для Европы этот безвизовый режим в разы менее нужен, чем для России. В прошлом году из 142 миллионов россиян 9,3 миллиона путешествовали в страны ЕС. А из 501 миллиона жителей ЕС в Россию въехали чуть более 5 млн….
В ЕС безвизовый режим действительно означает эту свободу. Путешественник может пересечь любую границу, гостить где и у кого хочет. А Россия? Ваше государство не доверяет иностранцам. Наверное, считает, как и раньше, что любой западник в России занимается тем, чем занималась на Западе Аня Чапман со товарищи….
И бюрократия строит барьеры, чтобы осложнить шпионам да диверсантам пребывание в России. Вы слышали о регистрации для иностранцев? Вроде бы безобидная формальность. Но на практике — великолепный способ отпугнуть чужаков: находясь в любой точке России более трех суток, гость должен найти или гостиницу, или хозяина (точнее, собственника) квартиры, который бы официально, на двух бланках, с целым букетом ксероксов и оригиналов, осведомит власти, что у него остановился нероссиянин. Да потом еще надо найти или офис иммиграционной службы или отделение почты, где это заявление примут. А если им там вдруг почерк не понравится — то все заново…»
Статья – – Штефан Шолль – Московский Комсомолец № 25487 от 28 октября 2010 г.
Stefan Scholl Moskovskij Komsomolets
The two countries have had generally friendly ties since the fall of communism in 1989 and Lithuania regaining independence in 1991 after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Warsaw’s ostentatious disappointment with Vilnius’ decision not to support the Russo-Polish initiative to lift the visa regime for the residents of Kaliningrad region has marked the beginning of a freeze in the bilateral relations.
For months Lithuanian politicians and diplomats have been openly talking about their conviction that a new Polish leadership – composed of members of the liberal party, Civic Platform – would change its foreign policy after the presidential election. And they were right: after July Warsaw paid more attention to Berlin and Moscow than to Vilnius and the latter to Minsk, that is trying to make the Klaipeda oil terminal suitable for importing Venezuelan oil to Belarus.
Even though the new Polish Chief of State Bronislaw Komorowski stems from an old noble Lithuanian family and does not hide his feelings for his historical homeland, he is not someone who is capable of implementing an independent policy, the way that President Lech Kaczynski did, wrote Audrius Baciulis on weekly Veidas.
On Wednesday Foreign Minister Radoslaw Sikorski criticised Lithuania in unusually blunt terms for European Union partners, saying its Baltic neighbour was failing to live up to its commitments either to ethnic Poles or to Polish investors. Some days before meetings among diplomats were postponed until local Poles were allowed to write their names in official documents using Polish letters.
Prime Minister Donald Tusk campaigned in 2007 on expediting privatization, even before the crisis hit, and the revenues from the sales, which were planned to be held from 2008 to 2011, are now helping the country cover a budget deficit that could grow to 8 percent of GDP this year, Tusk admitted this month.
Growth in the country has unfortunately not meant stable public finances, then, as the government has, for the moment, relied on the privatization of more than 800 companies to cover costs. Compared with countries like the Czech Republic and Germany, Poland has not adopted austerity measures, preferring instead to continue feeding growth.
The privatization plan is expected to generate 25 billion złoty (6.4 billion euros) over four years.
Article – The Prague Post – October 2010.
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